ΓΛΩΣΣΑ ΠΟΜΑΚΙΚΑ ΤΡΑΓΟΥΔΙΑ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ ΦΩΤΟΓΡΑΦΙΕΣ ΜΕΙΟΝΟΤΙΚΗ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΜΑΚΩΝ ΠΟΜΑΚΙΚΟ ΔΕΛΤΙΟ ΕΙΔΗΣΕΩΝ ΒΙΝΤΕΟ ΠΟΜΑΚΟΧΩΡΙΑ ΞΑΝΘΗΣ ΓΛΑΥΚΗ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ ΠΟΜΑΚΙΚΑ ΠΑΡΑΜΥΘΙΑ ΒΙΒΛΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ ΑΡΘΡΑ ΣΤΟΝ ΤΥΠΟ ΣΜΙΝΘΗ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΤΙΚΟΣ ΣΥΛΛΟΓΟΣ ΠΟΜΑΚΩΝ ΑΡΧΙΤΕΚΤΟΝΙΚΗ ΔΗΜΑΡΙΟ ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΟΜΑΚΙΚΗΣ ΜΥΚΗ ΓΙΟΡΤΕΣ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΤΙΚΟ ΥΛΙΚΟ ΠΟΙΗΣΗ ΕΧΙΝΟΣ ΘΡΑΚΗ ΜΕΙΟΝΟΤΗΤΑ ΕΚΔΗΛΩΣΕΙΣ ΛΑΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ ΕΚΛΟΓΕΣ ΩΡΑΙΟΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΚΙΜΜΕΡΙΑ ΕΞΙΣΛΑΜΙΣΜΟΣ ΠΟΜΑΚΩΝ ΜΑΝΤΑΙΝΑ ΠΕΤΡΙΝΑ ΓΕΦΥΡΙΑ ΠΡΟΣΗΛΙΟ ΠΟΜΑΚΟΙ ΤΑΥΤΟΤΗΤΑ ΧΑΡΤΕΣ ΠΡΟΞΕΝΕΙΟ ΤΕΜΕΝΗ ΚΟΤΥΛΗ ΣΑΤΡΕΣ ΤΟΠΩΝΥΜΙΑ ΦΥΣΗ ΑΣΚΥΡΑ ΘΕΡΜΕΣ ΚΕΝΤΑΥΡΟΣ ΜΕΤΑΦΡΑΣΕΙΣ ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΑ ΠΑΧΝΗ ΛΙΒΑΔΙ ΠΑΡΟΙΜΙΕΣ ΚΑΤΑΓΩΓΗ ΚΟΜΟΤΗΝΗ ΜΑΓΕΙΡΙΚΗ ΑΛΜΑ ΒΟΥΛΓΑΡΙΚΗ ΡΟΔΟΠΗ ΚΑΛΟΤΥΧΟ ΜΟΥΦΤΕΙΑ ΝΕΡΟΜΥΛΟΙ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΓΟΡΓΟΝΑ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΙΑ ΚΕΧΡΟΣ ΟΙΚΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΑΙΜΟΝΙΟ ΚΟΤΙΝΟ ΛΕΞΙΚΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ ΠΑΝΕΛΛΗΝΙΟΣ ΣΥΛΛΟΓΟΣ ΠΟΜΑΚΩΝ ΣΥΝΕΝΤΕΥΞΕΙΣ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΙΝΑ ΔΙΚΑΙΩΜΑΤΑ ΔΗΜΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ ΕΘΙΜΑ ΕΘΝΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΕΝΔΥΜΑΣΙΑ ΕΡΑΝΟΣ ΘΕΟΤΟΚΟΣ ΙΕΡΟΔΙΔΑΣΚΑΛΟΙ ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ ΖΩΗ ΚΑΡΔΑΜΟΣ ΚΕΝΤΡΟ ΠΟΜΑΚΙΚΩΝ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ ΚΥΚΝΟΣ ΛΙΒΑΣ ΜΕΛΙΒΟΙΑ ΟΝΟΜΑΤΑ ΠΑΡΑΔΟΣΙΑΚΟΙ ΧΟΡΟΙ ΠΟΡΤΑ ΡΕΥΜΑ ΡΟΜΑ ΡΟΥΣΣΑ ΣΥΝΕΔΡΙΑ ΣΥΝΘΗΚΗ ΛΩΖΑΝΝΗΣ ΧΛΟΗ MYKH ΑΙΩΡΑ ΑΚΡΑΙΟΣ ΑΛΙΚΟΧΩΡΙ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ ΑΡΘΡΑ ΒΑΚΟΥΦΙΑ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΑ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΑ ΓΙΑΛΙΣΤΕΡΟ ΖΑΓΑΛΙΣΑ ΖΑΦΕΙΡΙΟ ΖΟΥΜΠΟΥΛΙ ΙΣΛΑΜ ΚΑΠΝΟΚΑΛΛΙΕΡΓΕΙΑ ΚΕΤΙΚΙΟ ΚΙΔΑΡΙΣ ΚΙΡΡΑ ΚΟΤΑΝΗ ΚΟΥΖΙΝΑ ΚΤΗΝΟΤΡΟΦΙΑ ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΙΑ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΧΩΡΙ ΜΕΔΟΥΣΑ ΜΕΤΑΝΑΣΤΕΥΣΗ ΜΠΕΚΤΑΣΙΣΜΟΣ ΜΥΡΤΙΣΚΗ ΝΤΟΚΙΜΑΝΤΕΡ ΟΡΓΑΝΗ ΠΕΛΕΚΗΤΟ ΠΛΑΓΙΑ ΠΡΙΟΝΙ Πάχνη ΡΥΜΗ ΣΕΛΕΡΟ ΣΙΔΗΡΟΧΩΡΙ ΣΙΡΟΚΟ ΣΟΥΝΙΟ ΣΥΝΤΑΓΕΣ ΣΩΣΤΗΣ ΤΕΜΕΝΟΣ ΤΟΥΡΙΣΜΟΣ ΥΔΡΟΧΩΡΙ ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ ΕΞΩΤΕΡΙΚΩΝ ΥΦΑΝΤΟΥΡΓΙΑ ΧΡΥΣΟ

Παρασκευή, 24 Σεπτεμβρίου 2010

Η μειονοτική εκπαίδευση και η θεωρία του πολιτικού κόστους

ΜΕΙΟΝΟΤΙΚΗ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ ΣΤΗ ΘΡΑΚΗ - ΟΙ ΠΟΜΑΚΟΙ ΔΕΝ ΤΗ ΧΡΕΙΑΖΟΝΤΑΙ

Η μειονοτική εκπαίδευση και η θεωρία του πολιτικού κόστους

Νικόλαος Θ. Κόκκας
Εκπαιδευτικός


Κάθε φορά που τίθενται προς συζήτηση τα σοβαρά και χρονίζοντα προβλήματα της μειονοτικής εκπαίδευσης, δεν είναι λίγοι εκείνοι που εγείρουν το ζήτημα του «πολιτικού κόστους». Στο σημείο αυτό οι συζητήσεις διακόπτονται, τα χαμόγελα παγώνουν και οι όποιες σοβαρές πρωτοβουλίες εκπαιδευτικών τομών σταματούν. Ειδικότερα, οι περισσότεροι πολιτικοί εκπρόσωποι κομμάτων στην Ελλάδα κατά τις τελευταίες δεκαετίες διαμορφώνουν τις απόψεις τους για τη μειονοτική εκπαίδευση με γνώμονα όχι το συμφέρον του τόπου, αλλά το «φόβο των άλλων». Η θεωρία του δήθεν πολιτικού κόστους διαπερνά κάθε πτυχή της μειονοτικής πολιτικής των εκάστοτε Υπουργών Εθνικής Παιδείας (εμείς οι εκπαιδευτικοί θα συνεχίζουμε να ονομάζουμε Υπουργείο Εθνικής Παιδείας το υπουργείο μας κι όχι«δια βίου μάθησης», όπως μετονομάστηκε πρόσφατα), ενώ παράλληλα καθορίζει τη στάση των υποψηφίων στις δημοτικές, νομαρχιακές και βουλευτικές εκλογές απέναντι στους μουσουλμάνους Έλληνες πολίτες. Οι συναλλαγές και τα ρουσφέτια κατά τη διάρκεια της προεκλογικής περιόδου αποτελούν μελανό σημείο της πολιτικής μας ζωής, πολύ περισσότερο όταν τίθεται σε κίνδυνο η εκπαίδευση των Ελλήνων μουσουλμάνων μαθητών.
Στην πραγματικότητα, η θεωρία του πολιτικού κόστους αποτελεί ένα μύθο. Οι Θρακιώτες μουσουλμάνοι έχουν αποδείξει στην πράξη πως είναι φιλειρηνικοί και πως αγαπούν τον τόπο που γεννήθηκαν, την πατρίδα τους. Κλείνουν τα αφτιά τους στα κηρύγματα μίσους απ' όπου κι αν προέρχονται, σέβονται τη θρησκεία τους, όπως σέβονται και τις άλλες θρησκείες. Πολύ περισσότερο στο χώρο του δημόσιου σχολείου είναι φανερό πως οι χριστιανοί και οι μουσουλμάνοι μαθητές αναπτύσσουν καθημερινά σχέσεις φιλίας και συνεργασίας, χωρίς αποκλεισμούς και προκαταλήψεις.


Η αναχρονιστική νομοθεσία της μειονοτικής εκπαίδευσης

Η αναχρονιστική και ψυχροπολεμική νομοθεσία ταλανίζει εδώ και πολλές δεκαετίες το χώρο της μειονοτικής εκπαίδευσης, διαχωρίζοντας τους μαθητές ανάλογα με το θρήσκευμά τους και γκετοποιώντας τους μουσουλμάνους μαθητές. Στα μειονοτικά δημοτικά σχολεία το αναλυτικό πρόγραμμα είναι δίγλωσσο (ελληνικά-τουρκικά), παρέχοντας προς τους μουσουλμάνους μαθητές ανεπαρκείς γνώσεις της ελληνικής. Η κατάσταση αυτή συνεχίζεται και στα ιδιωτικά μειονοτικά γυμνάσια και λύκεια της Θράκης. Ας δούμε, για παράδειγμα, τι προβλέπεται από το Ωρολόγιο Πρόγραμμα Μειονοτικών Λυκείων. Σύμφωνα με την υπουργική απόφαση Γ2/933 της 3.3.2000 (ΦΕΚ Β 372, 2000) στην Α’ Τάξη των μειονοτικών Λυκείων υποχρεωτικά μαθήματα στην ελληνική γλώσσα είναι: Αρχαία Ελληνικά, Νέα Ελληνική Γλώσσα και Γραμματεία, Ιστορία, Αρχές Οικονομίας, Τεχνολογία, ΣΕΠ, Ξένη Γλώσσα: σύνολο ωρών 16/17. Υποχρεωτικά μαθήματα στην τουρκική γλώσσα είναι τα ακόλουθα: Θρησκευτικά, Μαθηματικά, Φυσική, Χημεία, Φυσική Αγωγή, Τουρκικά: Σύνολο ωρών 15/14.
Βέβαια, το πρόβλημα της ελλιπούς διδασκαλίας της ελληνικής ξεκινάει από την πρωτοβάθμια μειονοτική εκπαίδευση. Αν ανατρέξουμε μερικές δεκαετίες πιο πίσω, θα θυμηθούμε πως στις 28-1-1954 ο Γενικός Διοικητής Θράκης Γ. Φεσσόπουλος διεβίβασε προς τις κοινότητες και τους δήμους της Ροδόπης διαταγή του τότε πρωθυπουργού Στρατάρχη Παπάγου που έλεγε: «Κατόπιν διαταγής του κ. Προέδρου της Κυβερνήσεως, παρακαλούμεν όπως εφ’ εξής εις πάσαν περίπτωσιν γίνεται χρήσις του όρου «Τούρκος-τουρκικός» αντί του τοιούτου «Μουσουλμάνος-μουσουλμανικός». Επί τούτοις δέον να μεριμνήσετε διά την αντικατάστασιν των εν τη περιφερεία υμών διαφόρων επιγραφών, όπως «Μουσουλμανική Κοινότης, Μουσουλμανικόν Σχολείον κλπ» διά τοιαύτης «Τουρκικόν». Ήταν μία ψυχροπολεμική πολιτική απόφαση, που έστελνε τους μουσουλμάνους Έλληνες στην αγκαλιά της Τουρκίας. Το 1972, στο Νομοθετικό Διάταγμα 1109 της 25.1.1972 (ΦΕΚ Α’ 17, 1972) αντικαθίστανται άρθρα του Ν.Δ. 3065/54 «περί τρόπου ιδρύσεως και λειτουργίας Τουρκικών Σχολείων Στοιχειώδους Εκπαιδεύσεως Δυτικής Θράκης και ρυθμίσεως ζητημάτων τινών αφορώντων εις την εποπτείαν αυτών και τους Επιθεωρητάς Τουρκικών Σχολείων». Στο νέο νομοθετικό διάταγμα γίνεται πλέον αναφορά σε «Μειονοτικά Σχολεία».
‘Έχουν περάσει έξι δεκαετίες μετά τη θέσπιση αυτής της αναχρονιστικής νομοθεσίας και σήμερα τα μειονοτικά σχολεία παραμένουν μειονεκτικά, σχολεία που καταδικάζουν τους μαθητές τους στην αμάθεια, σχολεία που διαχωρίζουν, που καταστρατηγούν την έννοια της ισονομίας, εφόσον δεν παρέχουν ισότιμη εκπαίδευση σε όλους τους Έλληνες πολίτες.
Τα δίγλωσσα μειονοτικά σχολεία καταδικάζουν στην ημιμάθεια, κλείνουν τους γνωστικούς ορίζοντες των παιδιών, διχοτομούν τη συνείδησή τους. Προσθέτουν φανατισμό, αφαιρούν γνώσεις, πολλαπλασιάζουν τη σύγχυση, διαιρούν ανάμεσα σε "εμάς" και τους "άλλους". Προσθέτουν κεμαλική ιδεολογία, αφαιρούν κριτική σκέψη, πολλαπλασιάζουν την άγνοια, διαιρούν και διχάζουν τους πολίτες της Ελλάδας. Αφαίρεση κι όχι πρόσθεση –διαίρεση κι όχι πολλαπλασιασμός! Δεν έχουν θέση σε μια δημοκρατική χώρα. Είναι απομεινάρια ενός ψυχροπολεμικού παρελθόντος. Δεν ανήκουν στον 21ο αιώνα.


Η κατασκευή τουρκικής ταυτότητας μέσα από τα μειονοτικά σχολεία
Οι μουσουλμάνοι Έλληνες πολίτες αλλοτριώνονται μέσα από τα δίγλωσσα σχολεία που μετατρέπουν Έλληνες πολίτες σε φανατικούς υποστηρικτές του παντουρκισμού. Ας λέμε τα πράγματα με το όνομά τους. Τα δίγλωσσα μειονοτικά σχολεία είναι στην ουσία σχολεία τουρκικά. Η βασική τους λειτουργία είναι η αλλοτρίωση των μουσουλμάνων πολιτών. Πέρα από το αναλυτικό πρόγραμμα που προβλέπουν τα διακρατικά πρωτόκολλα και οι πεπαλαιωμένες ελληνοτουρκικές συμφωνίες, μία σειρά από φιλοκεμαλικές, εθνικιστικές δράσεις καλλιεργούν στους μουσουλμάνους Έλληνες μαθητές το φανατισμό και το μίσος προς τους χριστιανούς. Κι αυτά όχι μόνο με την ανοχή αλλά και με την οικονομική επιδότηση της ελληνικής πολιτείας!
Θα πρέπει εδώ να επισημανθεί ότι η χρηματοδότηση των ιδιωτικών μειονοτικών σχολείων είναι παράνομη. Βάσει των συνθηκών και της νομοθεσίας, υποτίθεται ότι θα πρέπει όσοι εγγράφουν τα παιδιά τους σε μειονοτικά σχολεία να πληρώνουν δίδακτρα και όλα τα έξοδα να καλύπτονται εξ ιδίων πόρων, όχι από τον Έλληνα φορολογούμενο. Σε αντίθετη περίπτωση θα έπρεπε το Υπουργείο Παιδείας να χρηματοδοτεί όλα τα ιδιωτικά εκπαιδευτήρια. Το ελληνικό κράτος, όμως, πληρώνει πολλά εκατομμύρια για τη λειτουργία των μειονοτικών σχολείων, ενώ από νομική άποψη θεωρούνται ιδιωτικά. Πόσα χρήματα ξοδεύει η ελληνική πολιτεία (σε καιρό οικονομικής κρίσης) για τη συντήρηση των μειονοτικών σχολείων και την μετακίνηση των μαθητών, τη στιγμή που βάσει του νόμου θεωρούνται ιδιωτικά; Το 1999 το Ελληνικό Υπουργείο Εξωτερικών είχε ανακοινώσει πως το 1998 δαπανήθηκαν 61.600.000 δραχμές για λειτουργικές δαπάνες μειoνοτικών σχολείων, 289.364.000 δρχ για νέες κατασκευές, 139.126.000 δρχ για επισκευές και 100.000.000 δρχ για αγορά εποπτικού υλικού. Κατά τη διετία 2000-2002 διατέθηκαν από το Υπουργείο Εσωτερικών και την Περιφέρεια Ανατολικής Μακεδονίας και Θράκης 5.800.000 ευρώ για επισκευές-συντηρήσεις-βελτιώσεις μειονοτικών σχολείων. Το 2008 η Νομαρχιακή Αυτοδιοίκηση Ξάνθης πλήρωνε σε καθημερινή βάση 1.781,93 ευρώ για τη μεταφορά μαθητών από τα Πομακοχώρια προς το Μειονοτικό Γυμνάσιο-Λύκειο Ξάνθης και προς το Ιεροσπουδαστήριο του Εχίνου. Εφόσον το Μειονοτικό Γυμνάσιο Λύκειο είναι Ιδιωτικό, γιατί η Νομαρχία Ξάνθης , μέσα από χρήματα του δημοσίου, καλύπτει τη μεταφορά των μαθητών προς το σχολείο αυτό; Εδώ πρέπει να προσθέσουμε και τα δισεκατομμύρια του λεγομένου «Προγράμματος Εκπαίδευσης Μουσουλμανοπαίδων» της κ. Φραγκουδάκη. Τα ποσά που αναφέρθηκαν είναι μόνο κάποια παραδείγματα. Αν αθροίσει κανείς τα έξοδα του δημοσίου που δίνονται για το γλωσσικό εκτουρκισμό των μουσουλμάνων Ελλήνων πολιτών, θα συνειδητοποιήσει το μέγεθος του εγκλήματος.
Θα πρέπει κάποτε να συνειδητοποιήσουμε πως η παιδεία είναι δικαίωμα όλων των παιδιών ανεξαρτήτως θρησκεύματος. Φτάνουν πια οι διακρίσεις μέσα από την εκπαίδευση. Δε μπορεί να υπάρχει διαφορετικό εκπαιδευτικό σύστημα για τους χριστιανούς και διαφορετικό για τους μουσουλμάνους Έλληνες στο όνομα κάποιων παρωχημένων μορφωτικών πρωτοκόλλων του 1951 και του 1968. Κι έτσι να στερούνται τόσα παιδιά το αυτονόητο δικαίωμα στην ισότιμη εκπαίδευση στη γλώσσα της χώρας που γεννήθηκαν και ζουν.


Η αντισυνταγματικότητα των μειονοτικών σχολείων
Τόσα χρόνια δεν έχει τεθεί επαρκώς ένα μείζον νομικό ζήτημα: το γεγονός ότι τα μειονοτικά σχολεία είναι αντισυνταγματικά. Καταστρατηγούν το Σύνταγμα της Ελλάδας, καθώς διαχωρίζουν τους πολίτες της Ελλάδας ανάλογα με το θρήσκευμά τους, παρέχοντας μειονεκτική εκπαίδευση προς τους μουσουλμάνους Έλληνες. Ας δούμε αναλυτικά τι ορίζει το Σύνταγμα της Ελλάδος. Σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 4 του Συντάγματος «1. Οι Έλληνες είναι ίσοι ενώπιον του νόμου. και 2. Οι Έλληνες και οι Ελληνίδες έχουν ίσα δικαιώματα και υποχρεώσεις». Σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 5 του Συντάγματος:
«1. Καθένας έχει δικαίωμα να αναπτύσσει ελεύθερα την προσωπικότητά του και να συμμετέχει στην κοινωνική, οικονομική και πολιτική ζωή της Χώρας, εφόσον δεν προσβάλλει τα δικαιώματα των άλλων και δεν παραβιάζει το Σύνταγμα ή τα χρηστά ήθη.
2. Όλοι όσοι βρίσκονται στην Ελληνική Επικράτεια απολαμβάνουν την απόλυτη προστασία της ζωής, της τιμής και της ελευθερίας τους, χωρίς διάκριση εθνικότητας, φυλής, γλώσσας και θρησκευτικών ή πολιτικών πεποιθήσεων.
Επίσης σύμφωνα με το Άρθρο 16 του Συντάγματος:
«1. Η τέχνη και η επιστήμη, η έρευνα και η διδασκαλία είναι ελεύθερες• η ανάπτυξη και η προαγωγή τους αποτελεί υποχρέωση του Κράτους. Η ακαδημαϊκή ελευθερία και η ελευθερία της διδασκαλίας δεν απαλλάσσουν από το καθήκον της υπακοής στο Σύνταγμα.
2. Η παιδεία αποτελεί βασική αποστολή του Κράτους και έχει σκοπό την ηθική, πνευματική, επαγγελματική και φυσική αγωγή των Ελλήνων, την ανάπτυξη της εθνικής και θρησκευτικής συνείδησης και τη διάπλασή τους σε ελεύθερους και υπεύθυνους πολίτες.
3. Τα έτη υποχρεωτικής φοίτησης δεν μπορεί να είναι λιγότερα από εννέα.
4. Όλοι οι Έλληνες έχουν δικαίωμα δωρεάν παιδείας, σε όλες τις βαθμίδες της, στα κρατικά εκπαιδευτήρια. Το Κράτος ενισχύει τους σπουδαστές που διακρίνονται, καθώς και αυτούς που έχουν ανάγκη από βοήθεια ή ειδική προστασία, ανάλογα με τις ικανότητές τους».

Αν αναλύσει κανείς τα παραπάνω άρθρα θα δει πως η υπάρχουσα μειονοτική εκπαίδευση δε διασφαλίζει ίσες ευκαιρίες και δυνατότητες, ούτε συμβάλλει στην ολόπλευρη και ισότιμη ανάπτυξη της προσωπικότητας των μουσουλμάνων μαθητών. Όλοι οι εκπαιδευτικοί γνωρίζουν πως όταν οι απόφοιτοι των μειονοτικών δημοτικών σχολείων φτάσουν στο Γυμνάσιο αδυνατούν να ενταχθούν στο δημόσιο γυμνάσιο, εφόσον δεν έχουν διδαχθεί στην ελληνική γλώσσα βασικά μαθήματα του κορμού του αναλυτικού προγράμματος όπως τα Μαθηματικά.


Σχολεία αντιδημοκρατικά
Τα μειονοτικά σχολεία είναι επιπλέον αντιδημοκρατικά. Διότι, δε μπορεί σε μια δημοκρατική χώρα να υπάρχει παιδεία δύο ταχυτήτων, με διαφορετικό αναλυτικό πρόγραμμα για τους πολίτες ανάλογα με το θρήσκευμά τους. Όσοι γεννιόμαστε στην Ελλάδα είμαστε Έλληνες, έχουμε αυτόν τον τόπο για πατρίδα μας, ανεξάρτητα από το θρήσκευμά μας. Και ως Έλληνες θα πρέπει να μας αντιμετωπίζει το υπουργείο Εθνικής Παιδείας, αντί να καθιστά τους μουσουλμάνους πολίτες δεύτερης κατηγορίας με την παροχή σε αυτούς αλλόγλωσσης (τουρκικής) εκπαίδευσης.
Το Υπουργείο Παιδείας οφείλει να εξασφαλίσει ισότιμη εκπαίδευση για όλους τους πολίτες της Θράκης, χριστιανούς και μουσουλμάνους. Για τη διδασκαλία των μητρικών γλωσσών της μειονότητας (τουρκική, πομακική, ρομά) πρέπει να ιδρυθούν σχολεία που θα λειτουργούν πέραν του ενιαίου αναλυτικού σχολικού προγράμματος. Έτσι μόνο θα συνδυάζεται η προστασία της μητρικής γλώσσας με τη σωστή και ισότιμη εκμάθηση όλων των γνωστικών αντικειμένων.
Τα προγράμματα διαπολιτισμικής εκπαίδευσης να ενσωματωθούν σε όλα τα σχολεία χωρίς να υπάρχουν τα μειονοτικά σχολεία, που στιγματίζουν και διαχωρίζουν τους μαθητές ανάλογα με το θρήσκευμα, τη γλώσσα ή την καταγωγή τους. Για να μην έχουμε παιδιά δύο ταχυτήτων και δύο κατηγοριών. Γιατί η εκπαίδευση πρέπει να είναι ΜΙΑ για όλους. Γιατί το σχολείο πρέπει να ενώνει κι όχι να χωρίζει. Γιατί όλα τα παιδιά της Ελλάδας, ανεξάρτητα από τη θρησκεία τους και τη μητρική τους γλώσσα, έχουν δικαίωμα σε ίσες ευκαιρίες. Γιατί οι τοίχοι των σχολείων – γκέτο πρέπει να πέσουν. Γιατί τα μειονοτικά σχολεία δεν έχουν θέση στον 21ο αιώνα. Γιατί είμαστε όλοι Έλληνες (χριστιανοί και μουσουλμάνοι).

Το τέλος της μειονοτικής εκπαίδευσης
Τα αποτυχημένα μειονοτικά σχολεία είναι εκ προοιμίου καταδικασμένα, αργά ή γρήγορα, να κλείσουν. Η πρόσφατη απόφαση του Υπουργείου Παιδείας για το κλείσιμο της Ειδικής Παιδαγωγικής Ακαδημίας Θεσσαλονίκης (ΕΠΑΘ-η οποία είχε ιδρυθεί στις 31-10-1968) συνοδεύτηκε από ένα σχόλιο της ειδικής γραμματέως διαπολιτισμικής εκπαίδευσης που χαρακτήριζε την ΕΠΑΘ «ένα σύστημα έωλο, ένα απαρτχάϊντ στην εκπαίδευση». Φαίνεται ότι σιγά-σιγά όλο και περισσότεροι συνειδητοποιούν ότι κάθε μορφής εκπαιδευτικές διακρίσεις δεν έχουν θέση σε μια ευνομούμενη πολιτεία. Έτσι, το Υπoυργείο έκρινε πως δεν έχει νόημα να συνεχίζεται η λειτουργία μιας παιδαγωγικής ακαδημίας, η οποία παράγει αποφοίτους που θα υπηρετήσουν αποκλειστικά στα υποβαθμισμένα μειονοτικά σχολεία. Η εξασφάλιση της ισονομίας για όλους ανεξαιρέτως τους Έλληνες μαθητές συμπεριλαμβάνει ίδιο επίπεδο διδασκαλίας, ισότιμο αναλυτικό πρόγραμμα σπουδών και δασκάλους με ίδιο εκπαιδευτικό υπόβαθρο. Αυτό βέβαια θα πρέπει να γίνεται με σεβασμό των πολιτισμικών ιδιαιτεροτήτων και της μητρικής γλώσσας των μαθητών.
Οι 224 αδιόριστοι απόφοιτοι της ΕΠΑΘ, καθώς και οι απόφοιτοι της ΕΠΑΘ που υπηρετούν σήμερα στα μειονοτικά σχολεία, μερικές φορές ανησυχούν για το μέλλον τους, στην περίπτωση συρρίκνωσης της μειονοτικής εκπαίδευσης. Η συρρίκνωση αυτή είναι ήδη ορατή, καθώς, όλο και περισσότεροι μουσουλμάνοι γονείς επιλέγουν για τα παιδιά τους τα δημόσια σχολεία. Ο σύλλογος των ΕΠΑΘιτών, εκφράζοντας συντεχνιακά συμφέροντα, έχει κατά καιρούς υπερασπιστεί ένα παρωχημένο σύστημα μειονοτικής εκπαίδευσης. Η καλύτερη απάντηση στους δικαιολογημένους φόβους των αποφοίτων της Ειδικής Παιδαγωγικής Ακαδημίας Θεσ/νίκης μπροστά στην ανεργία, θα ήταν η διαβεβαίωση, εκ μέρους του Υπουργείου Παιδείας, ότι θα υπάρξει πρόβλεψη για σταδιακή επαγγελματική αποκατάσταση όλων των αποφοίτων με τον καλύτερο τρόπο (μετάταξη στα δημόσια σχολεία ή σε άλλους οργανισμούς).


Ο σεβασμός της ετερότητας
Η συνύπαρξη γλωσσών, θρησκειών και πολιτισμικών ομάδων στη Θράκη ανά τους αιώνες υπήρξε πάντοτε αρμονική και δημιούργησε πλούσιες πολιτισμικές ωσμώσεις. Πέρα όμως από τις αλληλεπιδράσεις στο επίπεδο του πολιτισμού, είναι βέβαιο πως σήμερα, τόσο οι χριστιανοί, όσο και οι μουσουλμάνοι της Θράκης θέλουν ένα αύριο ειρηνικό για όλους και αγωνίζονται γι' αυτό. Η θεωρία του πολιτικού κόστους έχει καταρρεύσει στην πράξη, αφήνοντας έκθετους τους όποιους πολιτικάντηδες (δημάρχους, νομάρχες, βουλευτές, περιφερειάρχες) προβάλλουν το πρότυπο της φτηνής συναλλαγής αντί για τις αξίες της ισονομίας και του σεβασμού της ετερότητας στη χώρα που γέννησε τη δημοκρατία.
Η Ελλάδα δεν έχει να φοβηθεί τίποτα και κανέναν. Πάντοτε σεβόταν τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, όσο καμία άλλη χώρα, και πάντοτε υπερασπίζονταν πανανθρώπινες αξίες, όπως αυτές των ίσων ευκαιριών στην εκπαίδευση, της προστασίας των μητρικών γλωσσών και του σεβασμού της θρησκευτικής πίστης και της εθνοτικής καταγωγής. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, οι φυσικοί ομιλητές των μειονοτικών γλωσσών στη Θράκη (τουρκική, πομακική, ρομά) κατάφεραν να διατηρήσουν τις ιδιαιτερότητές τους απολαμβάνοντας κάθε είδους ελευθερία έκφρασης, γραπτής και προφορικής.
Μπροστά στη θεωρία του πολιτικού κόστους, οι εκάστοτε σύμβουλοι μειονοτικής εκπαίδευσης συμβουλεύουν τους Υπουργούς Παιδείας να μην αλλάξουν τα κακώς κείμενα, να μην είναι εκείνοι που θα βγάλουν τα κάστανα από τη φωτιά, διότι μπορεί να χαθούν κομματικοί ψήφοι. Το κλίμα φόβου και η θεωρία του «Μην ανοίγετε τους ασκούς του Αιόλου της μειονότητας» απλώνεται συχνά σε τοπικούς προϊσταμένους, δημάρχους, νομάρχες, αστυνομικούς διευθυντές. Όμως, τέτοιες παρωχημένες προσεγγίσεις είναι καιρός να τερματιστούν. Πρέπει όλοι πλέον να συνειδητοποιήσουμε ότι ο καλύτερος σεβασμός της ετερότητας σε μία χώρα είναι η παροχή ισότιμης εκπαίδευσης προς όλους τους πολίτες της.

* Δημοσιεύτηκε στην εφημερίδα «ΑΓΩΝΑΣ» της Ξάνθης στις 24 & 25 / 9/2010


Διαβάστε επίσης:


Τα αδιέξοδα της μειονοτικής εκπαίδευσης

Γιατί υπάρχουν ακόμα μειονοτικά σχολεία;





Δευτέρα, 13 Σεπτεμβρίου 2010

ΤΟ ΑΛΦΑΒΗΤΟ ΤΗΣ ΠΟΜΑΚΙΚΗΣ

ΤΟ ΑΛΦΑΒΗΤΟ ΤΗΣ ΠΟΜΑΚΙΚΗΣ

[όπως τυποποιήθηκε από το Ριτβάν Καραχότζα
στο διαδικτυακό Πομακο-Ελληνικό Λεξικό το 2001)


Χαρακτήρας Προφορά Παράδειγμα



A a όπως το ελληνικό α - astávem (αφήνω), arálo (αλέτρι)
Ä ä μεταξύ α και ε - snäk (χιόνι) bäl (άσπρος), näm (βουβός)
B b ως μπ χωρίς το ένρινο μ - bólan (άρρωστος), bráshno (αλεύρι)
Ch, ch ως τσ παχύ - chervén (κόκκινος), chórna (μαύρη)
D d ως ντ χωρίς το ένρινο ν - dáskalïe (δάσκαλος), dórvo (ξύλο),
E e όπως το ελληνικό ε - predávom (πουλάω), pénjer (παράθυρο)
F f όπως το ελληνικό φ - fátom (πιάνω), fchéra (χθες)
G g ως γκ χωρίς το ένρινο ν - górlo (λάρυγγας), garchíf (πικρός)
H h όπως το ελληνικό χ - hránem (ταíζω), hläp (ψωμί)
Ï ï ως κλειστό ι - sïn (γιος), kïsmét (τύχη), pórvï (πρώτοι, -ες)
I i όπως το ελληνικό ι - iglá (βελόνα) , itúi (εδώ)
K k όπως το ελληνικό κ - kalíba (καλύβα), kóshnitsa (καλάθι)
L l όπως το ελληνικό λ - lazhítsa (κουτάλι), láhna (λάχανο)
M m όπως το ελληνικό μ - mirísom (μυρίζω), mraviá (μυρμήγκι)
N n όπως το ελληνικό ν - nosh (μαχαίρι), nahódem (βρίσκω)
O o όπως το ελληνικό ο - odvráshtom (απαντώ), ozlanítsa (μαξιλάρι)
Ö ö ως κλειστό ο - spöm (κοιμάμαι), smöm so (χαμογελώ)
P p όπως το ελληνικό π - praf (ίσιος), pot (δρόμος)
R r όπως το ελληνικό ρ - raká (χέρι), rámo (ώμος)
S s όπως το ελληνικό σ - slóntse (ήλιος), spírom (σταματώ)
Sh, sh ως σ παχύ - shúshtie (σκουπίδια), shápka (σκούφος)
T t όπως το ελληνικό τ - ténak (λεπτός), téle (μοσχάρι)
Ts ts όπως το ελληνικό τσ - tsístem (καθαρίζω), tsâlo (ολόκληρο)
Tz tz όπως το ελληνικό τζ - saltzá (δάκρυ), tzvâzda (αστέρι)
J j ως τζ παχύ - jánar (κορόμηλο), jümayá (τζαμί)
U u όπως το ελληνικό ου - umarén (κουρασμένος), ustá (στόμα)
Ü ü ως κλειστό ου - chüvál (τσουβάλι), klüch (κλειδαριά)
V v όπως το ελληνικό β - valésava (προσέχει), víkom (λέω)
Y y όπως το ελληνικό γι - yûme (όνομα), yátse (πολύ)
Z z όπως το ελληνικό ζ - zólezno (σιδερένιο), zaméta (σκούπισα)
Ζh zh ως ζ παχύ - zholt (κίτρινος), zhaná (γυναίκα)



*Tα γράμματα ä,ï,ö,ü όταν τονίζονται μετατρέπονται σε â,î,ô,û αντίστοιχα
π.χ. nevâsta (νύφη), pîtom (ρωτάω), môso (κρέας), lûlka (κούνια)

Μαθαίνω πομάκικα - ΜΑΘΗΜΑ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟ

* Από το βιβλίο: UCHEM SO POMATSKO: ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΟΜΑΚΙΚΗΣ ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ τόμος Α’ – Ξάνθη 2004 Πολιτιστικό Αναπτυξιακό Κέντρο Θράκης

ΜΑΘΗΜΑ 2

ΚΕΙΜΕΝΟ

Náshono kóte



Na náshono mahaló íma mlógu kóteta. Dechyána dragóvot kótetana ála gulâmine gi ne dragóvot. Dechyána igrót sas kótetana her gün. Anná síva kótka ye radíla chétri kámatnï kótentsa. Κótentsana so yátse míchkï. Pyót mlógo prâsno. Yedót rîbï. Máykana mi íma gulâmï mustáykie. Dragóvot da fíret múshkï.
Sinán íshte da zôme annó míchko kóte na täh. Bubáyko mu ne dáva i Sinán pláche.
I Gültén íshte da zôme annó míchko kóte na täh. Bubáyko i máyka yi dávot i Gülténu ye yátse drágo.
Nîye na dumá ímame annó chórno kóte. To ne pyé mlógu prâsno níta yedé yátse rîbï, ála dragóva yátse da igró sas námi. Yátse ye kámatno i hîtro.
Zimóse, kugána yátse mrázi, kótetana so zbírot pris kráy sóbono.

Μετάφραση

Η γάτα μας



Στη δική μας γειτονιά υπάρχουν πολλά γατιά. Τα παιδιά λατρεύουν τα γατιά αλλά οι μεγάλοι δεν τα λατρεύουν. Τα παιδιά παίζουν με τα γατιά κάθε μέρα. Μία γκρίζα γάτα γέννησε τέσσερα όμορφα γατάκια. Τα γατάκια είναι πολύ μικρά. Πίνουν πολύ γάλα. Τρώνε ψάρια. Η μητέρα τους έχει μεγάλα μουστάκια. Λατρεύουν να κυνηγούν ποντίκια.
Ο Σινάν θέλει να πάρει μία μικρή γάτα στο σπίτι του. Ο πατέρας του δεν τον αφήνει και ο Σινάν κλαίει. Και η Γκιουλτέν θέλει να πάρει ένα μικρό γατάκι στο σπίτι της. Ο πατέρας της και η μητέρα της δίνουν άδεια και η Γκιουλτέν είναι πολύ χαρούμενη.
Εμείς στο σπίτι έχουμε ένα μαύρο γατί. Αυτό δεν πίνει πολύ γάλα ούτε τρώει πολλά ψάρια, αλλά του αρέσει πολύ να παίζει μαζί μας. Είναι πολύ όμορφο και έξυπνο.
Το χειμώνα, όταν κάνει πολύ κρύο, τα γατάκια μαζεύονται κοντά στη σόμπα.



ΛΕΞΙΛΟΓΙΟ

Nóvï réchkï (Νέες λέξεις)

náshono το δικό μας
mahalá γειτονιά
mlógu, mlógo πολλοί
kóte γάτα
déte παιδί
dragóvom, gálem λατρεύω, αγαπώ
ála αλλά
gulâm μεγάλος
ígrom παίζω
sas μαζί, με
her gün κάθε μέρα
anná μία
síva γκρίζα
rádom γεννώ
chétri τέσσερα
míchko μικρό
píyem πίνω
prâsno γάλα
yam τρώω
rîba ψάρι
mustáykie μουστάκια
fírem κυνηγώ
múshka ποντίκι
zímom παίρνω
dávom δίνω, επιτρέπω
pláchem κλαίω
na täh σε αυτούς (στο σπίτι τους)
dumá, kóshta σπίτι
chórno μαύρο
sas námi με εμάς (μαζί μας)
hîtro έξυπνο
zimá χειμώνας
kugána όταν
mrázi κάνει κρύο
zbírom μαζεύω
pris kráy γύρω από, πέριξ
pachúnnat ξεκούραστος
kútso κουτσό
ódvarneyte απαντήστε
argát εργάτης
nosokómka νοσοκόμα
hóro χορός
pantólï παντελόνι
harp πόλεμος
dáyma πάντα


ΦΡΑΣΕΙΣ ΓΙΑ ΑΠΟΜΝΗΜΟΝΕΥΣΗ


Na náshono mahaló íma mlógο kóteta.
Dechyána dragóvot kótetana ála gulâmine gi ne dragóvot.
Anná síva kótka ye radíla chétri kámatnï kótentsa.
Sinán íshte da zôme annó míchko kóte na täh.
Nîye na dumá ímame annó chórno kóte.
Zimóse, kugána yátse mrázi, kótetana so zbírot pris kráy sóbono.


ΟΠΤΙΚΟΑΚΟΥΣΤΙΚΟ ΥΛΙΚΟ
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ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΚΗ

ΚΛΙΣΗ ΟΥΣΙΑΣΤΙΚΩΝ


ΕΝΙΚΟΣ ΑΡΙΘΜΟΣ

Ονομαστική kóteno το γατί
Γενική         kótetune του γατιού
Αιτιατική     kóteno το γατί
Κλητική     kóte γατί

ΠΛΗΘΥΝΤΙΚΟΣ ΑΡΙΘΜΟΣ

Ονομαστική kótetana τα γατιά
Γενική         kótetomne των γατιών
Αιτιατική     kótetana τα γατιά
Κλητική     kóteta γατιά


ΚΛΙΣΗ ΡΗΜΑΤΩΝ

ΕΝΕΣΤΩΤΑΣ

Το ρήμα dragóvom: λατρεύω


ΚΑΤΑΦΑΣΗ   -   ΕΡΩΤΗΣΗ   -    ΑΡΝΗΣΗ
Ya dragóvom     Dragóvom li ya ?     Ya ne dragóvom
Tï dragóvash      Dragóvash li tï?        Tï ne dragóvash
Tóy dragóva      Dragóva li tóy?        Tóy ne dragóva
Tya dragóva      Dragóva li tya ?       Tya ne dragóva
To dragóva        Dragóva li to?         To ne dragóva
Nîye dragóvame Dragóvame li nîye? Nîye ne dragóvame
Vîye dragóvate  Dragóvate li vîye ?   Vîye ne dragóvate
Tíye dragóvot    Dragóvot li tíye?      Tíye ne dragóvot



Το ρήμα právem: κάνω

ΚΑΤΑΦΑΣΗ   -   ΕΡΩΤΗΣΗ   -   ΑΡΝΗΣΗ
Ya právem         Ya právem li?       Ya ne právem
Tï právish           Tï právish li?         Tï ne právish
Tóy právi           Tóy právi li?         Tóy ne právi
Tya právi           Tya právi li?         Tya ne právi
To právi             To právi li?          To ne právi
Nîye právime     Nîye právime li?  Nîye ne právime
Vîye právite      Vîye právite li?     Vîye ne právite
Tíye právet        Tíye právet li?      Tíye ne právet




ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΕΣ ΕΚΦΡΑΣΕΙΣ

Dúmite Pomátsko! Μιλήστε πομάκικα!


- Kakná ye izí? Τι είναι αυτό;
- Izí ye anná chervéna yábalka. Αυτό είναι ένα κόκκινο μήλο.

- Chi ye izí? Ποιανού είναι αυτό;
- Izí ye mo. Αυτό είναι δικό μου.

- Mózhate li da mi pamógnete? Μπορείτε να με βοηθήσετε;
- Kak da ne mózhom! Πώς να μη μπορώ!

- Mózhate li da mi kázhate kadé ye kitápet? Μπορείτε να μου πείτε πού είναι το βιβλίο;
- Kitápet ye pad mátso so. Το βιβλίο είναι κάτω από το τραπέζι.

- Mózhas li da mi go zaftórish yéshte annósh? Μπορείς να το επαναλάβεις άλλη μία φορά;
- Akú íshtish, mózhom! Αν θέλεις, μπορώ!

- Pomátsko so ye koláy! Τα πομάκικα είναι εύκολα!
- Urúmchko so ye zór! Τα ελληνικά είναι δύσκολα!

- ‘Ima li nâko vodenítso blíze pri sélono? Υπάρχει κανένας νερόμυλος κοντά στο χωριό;
- Ho, íma! Ναι, υπάρχει!

-‘Ima li dívï kúcheta af baírene? Υπάρχουν άγρια σκυλιά στο δάσος;
- Néma. Nemóy da to ye strah! Δεν υπάρχουν. Μη φοβάσαι!

-‘Ishtesh li da dóydesh sas móne? Θέλεις να έλθεις μαζί μου;
-Íshtom yátse! Θέλω πολύ!

-Kadé sha so náydeme? Πού θα συναντηθούμε;
-Sha so náydeme af kasabóno. Θα συναντηθούμε στην πόλη.

-Slúshayte! Ακούστε!
-Kaná stánava? Τι έγινε?

-Mózhom li da sônnom itúy? Μπορώ να καθίσω εδώ;
-Sônni. Κάθισε!


Από το βιβλίο του Ν.Θ.Κόκκα, UCHEM SO POMATSKO - Μαθήματα Πομακικής Γλώσσας. Έκδοση: Πολιτιστικό Αναπτυξιακό Κέντρο Θράκης, Ξάνθη 2004. Στο βιβλίο περιέχονται 25 μαθήματα με επιπλέον ασκήσεις.


Πέμπτη, 9 Σεπτεμβρίου 2010

Η Νερμάν Μολλά τραγουδά τραγούδια των Πομάκων



ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΙΑΚΟ ΚΕΝΤΡΟ ΘΡΑΚΗΣ
ΜΠΟΤΣΑΡΗ 20 - ΞΑΝΘΗ
ΤΗΛ. 25410-73808
Παραγωγή 2008

Αυθεντικές μουσικές καταγραφές πομάκικων τραγουδιών



Τραγούδια από τα χωριά Ωραίον, Μύκη, Εχίνος, Γλαύκη, Δημάριο, Ρεύμα, Σμίνθη, Τέμενος.
Έκδοση:
Ίδρυμα Θρακικής Τέχνης και Παράδοσης - Ξάνθη
25410-29282
fthrace@otenet.gr

Πομάκικα τραγούδια από το χωριό Δημάριο Ξάνθης



Η πρώτη έκδοση πομάκικων τραγουδιών με γυναικεία φωνή
Πολιτιστικό Αναπτυξιακό Κέντρο Θράκης
Ξάνθη - 2006

Πομάκικα τραγούδια περιοχής Κιμμερίων Ξάνθης




Μία σπάνια μουσική έκδοση από το
Πολιτιστικό Αναπτξιακό Κέντρο Θράκης
Ξάνθη 2005

Τα πομακοχώρια Ξάνθης και Κομοτηνής πριν από εβδομήντα χρόνια



ΠΕΡΙΗΓΗΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΚΑΤΑΓΡΑΦΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΜΑΚΙΚΩΝ ΟΙΚΙΣΜΩΝ ΞΑΝΘΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΟΜΟΤΗΝΗΣ (1942-1944)
Μετάφραση από τα βουλγαρικά ενός σπάνιου ιστορικού βιβλίου, που αποτελεί πλούσια πηγή πληροφοριών για τα πομακοχώρια Ξάνθης και Κομοτηνής.

ΙΔΡΥΜΑ ΘΡΑΚΙΚΗΣ ΤΕΧΝΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΡΑΔΟΣΗΣ
τηλ. 25410-29282
fthrace@otenet.gr

Για το πομάκικο χωριό Κύκνος της Ξάνθης




Μ.Γ.ΒΑΡΒΟΥΝΗΣ
Η ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ ΖΩΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΜΑΚΩΝ
ΛΑΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ, ΕΘΝΙΚΗ ΣΥΝΕΙΔΗΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΘΡΗΣΚΕΥΤΙΚΗ ΤΑΥΤΟΤΗΤΑ
ΕΚΔΟΣΕΙΣ ΟΔΥΣΣΕΑΣ 1997

Τα πομάκικα όπως μιλιούνται στην περιοχή Μύκης Ξάνθης




ΣΕΜΠΑΕΔΗΝ ΚΑΡΑΧΟΤΖΑ
Η ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ ΓΛΩΣΣΑ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΜΑΚΩΝ ΤΗΣ ΠΕΡΙΟΧΗΣ ΜΥΚΗΣ
ΕΚΔΟΣΕΙΣ ΣΠΑΝΙΔΗ- ΞΑΝΘΗ 2006
www.spanidis.gr

Οι ρίζες της ιστορίας των Πομάκων




ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΥ
ΑΠΟ ΤΙΣ ΚΛΕΙΣΟΥΡΕΣ ΣΤΑ ΔΕΡΒΕΝΙΑ
Η ΣΥΖΕΥΞΗ ΤΗΣ ΣΛΑΒΟΦΩΝΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΥ ΙΣΛΑΜ ΣΤΟΥΣ ΠΟΜΑΚΟΥΣ ΤΗΣ ΡΟΔΟΠΗΣ
Εκδοτικός οίκος Αδελφών Κυριακίδη 2008
www.kyriakidis.gr

Η ιστορία των Πομάκων μετά το 1870

ΠΟΜΑΚΟΙ ΣΤΗ ΘΡΑΚΗ - Η ΑΛΗΘΙΣΝΗ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΤΟΥΣ



ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗ ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΥ, ΟΙ ΠΟΜΑΚΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΡΟΔΟΠΗΣ: ΑΠΟ ΤΙΣ ΕΘΝΟΤΙΚΕΣ ΣΧΕΣΕΙΣ ΣΤΟΥΣ ΒΑΛΚΑΝΙΚΟΥΣ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΜΟΥΣ (1870-1990)
Εκδοτικός Οίκος Αδελφών Κυριακίδη, 2003
www.kyriakidis.gr

Η ιστορία των Πομάκων γραμμένη από τον Π.Γεωργαντζή



ΠΕΤΡΟΥ ΓΕΩΡΓΑΝΤΖΗ
ΠΟΜΑΚΟΙ-ΚΑΤΑΓΩΓΗ ΚΑΙ ΤΑΥΤΟΤΗΤΑ. ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΗ ΔΙΕΡΕΥΝΗΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΜΑΤΟΣ
ΞΑΝΘΗ 2010

Τετάρτη, 8 Σεπτεμβρίου 2010

ΕΝΤΑΤΙΚΑ ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΑ ΠΟΜΑΚΙΚΗΣ ΣΕ ΕΝΑ ΤΟΜΟ




Το Πολιτιστικό Αναπτυξιακό Κέντρο Θράκης, που εξέδωσε το βιβλίο αυτό, βρίσκεται στην Ξάνθη: Μπότσαρη 20 - ΤΘ 102- 67100, τηλ. 25410-73808,
Ηλεκτρονική διεύθυνση:vaival@duth.civil.gr.

Βασικό πομακο-ελληνικό γλωσσάρι




Το Πολιτιστικό Αναπτυξιακό Κέντρο Θράκης, που εξέδωσε το Λεξιλόγιο αυτό, βρίσκεται στην Ξάνθη: Μπότσαρη 20 - ΤΘ 102- 67100, τηλ. 25410-73808,
Ηλεκτρονική διεύθυνση:vaival@duth.civil.gr.

Ανθολόγιο πομάκικων παραμυθιών, τραγουδιών και παροιμιών




Το Πολιτιστικό Αναπτυξιακό Κέντρο Θράκης, που εξέδωσε το βιβλίο αυτό, βρίσκεται στην Ξάνθη: Μπότσαρη 20 - ΤΘ 102- 67100, τηλ. 25410-73808,
Ηλεκτρονική διεύθυνση:vaival@duth.civil.gr.

Άλλο ένα πομάκικο παραμύθι σε δίγλωσση έκδοση



Το Πολιτιστικό Αναπτυξιακό Κέντρο Θράκης που εξέδωσε το πομάκικο αυτό παραμύθι βρίσκεται στην Ξάνθη: Μπότσαρη 20 - ΤΘ 102- 67100, τηλ. 25410-73808,
Ηλεκτρονική διεύθυνση:vaival@duth.civil.gr.

Δίγλωσση έκδοση πομάκικου παραμυθιού



Το Πολιτιστικό Αναπτυξιακό Κέντρο Θράκης που εξέδωσε το πομάκικο αυτό παραμύθι βρίσκεται στην Ξάνθη: Μπότσαρη 20 - ΤΘ 102- 67100, τηλ. 25410-73808,
Ηλεκτρονική διεύθυνση:vaival@duth.civil.gr.

Δευτέρα, 6 Σεπτεμβρίου 2010

Tradition vs. change in the orality of the Pomaks in Western Thrace

Tradition vs. change in the orality of the Pomaks in Western Thrace
- The role of folklore in determining the Pomak identity



Nikolaos Kokkas


Presented in the Conference “Minority-building among the Pomaks in the Greek-Bulgarian region” - Erlangen 15-16 July 2005
Included in: Steinke K. & C. Voss (eds.) The Pomaks in Greece and Bulgaria. A model case for borderland minorities in the Balkans. München: Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft- Verlag Otto Sagner, 2007, σ. 75-114.

Abstract
Although the Pomaks of Greece have proved to resist the ongoing processes of assimilation (either towards the abandonment of their native tongue or towards the adoption of a new identity), it would be wrong to consider them a homogenous group with identical ethnic responses. Fusion and fission processes can be observed in the transitional attitudes of the Pomaks, as they seem to be experimenting with a series of multiple identities, being unable to define the boundaries of their ethnic group. In the Pomak villages of the region of Xanthi the survival of collective memory is associated with a respect of the young generation of the Pomaks for their forefathers as well as for their mother tongue, which is still actively used. The absence of written records for the Pomaks of Thrace has preserved their folk culture intact through time but has also prevented them from cultivating their cultural identity. The role of folk tales and songs was devaluated lately due to urbanization, the spread of television and the development of new forms of collective expression. However, folklore elements, reiterated among the Pomak communities, delineate the imagined boundaries with other linguistic groups coexisting in the same region (Greek, Turkish, Roma etc). The narration of folk tales and the public performance of songs contribute to the enforcement of the cultural identity of the Pomaks.



This paper attempts to analyze how the folklore elements reproduced among the Pomaks in Western Thrace adumbrate the imagined boundaries with other linguistic groups coexisting in the same region. It is proposed that the narration of folk tales and the public performance of songs contribute to the enforcement of “Pomakness”. The argument presented here is based on data collected during fieldwork conducted in the Pomak villages of the area of Xanthi from 2000 to 2005.
In the second half of the 20th century Pomak communities have undergone serious changes related to their association with power centres, the gradual formulation of an elite and the predomination of national characteristics in their self-image (Trubeta 2001:113). The fact that the Greek Bulgarian border was a surveillance zone downgraded the living standards of the Pomaks and led to lack of investment, lack of economic modernization, a self-sufficient economy, lack of employment opportunities and a ghettoization of the Pomak villages (Trubeta 2001:95, Labrianidis 2001:99). The Pomak population felt that they live in a less developed place which is under threat.
The intense migration movement (1) of the ’70s exercised great influence on the way the Pomaks incorporate folk heritage into their system of personal or community values. The “descent” of the Pomaks from the mountains started rather tentatively but gradually turned into a mass agricultural egression (Trubeta 2001:96). The result of this exodus was that many small mountain settlements were abandoned within a decade and their inhabitants moved to the lowlands of Thrace or other big cities. It was common for the Pomaks who abandoned their villages to follow specific routes of “escape” and often settle in particular places in the plains, especially when those places gave them the chance to carry on cultivating tobacco in a more profitable way (2) . The Pomaks who live in Athens have preserved ties of kinship and friendship, having reconstructed their community around the Plateia Vathis and the Gazi neighbourhoods near the centre of the town.The same is the case with the Pomaks who emigrated from Greece to Germany.
The preservation of essential elements of the Pomaks’ ethnic identity such as language and culture, despite the pressure they receive to abandon them, often becomes a secret but conscientious ethnic identification. A typical example is the preservation of the traditional Pomak costume with the checked loom-woven apron (préstenlik) in the villages around Míki (Mustáfchova), which is often discussed by Pomaks from other villages in which women have abandoned the traditional costumes in order to adopt either European clothes or the Muslim mantle (sayé). It appears that such ways of preserving traditional forms of behaviour are regarded as a political attitude (Trubeta 2001:132). As younger generations of Pomaks are being detached from the traditional values of their ancestors they experience a new reality in a symbolic dimension (Trubeta 2001:119).
Despite the fact that the Pomak villages in the mountains of the region of Xanthi are in a process of transition which has social, economic and cultural dimensions, we can say that the folk tales and songs are still a living part of their living oral tradition. Although the function of orality has undergone serious changes, various types of tales are still transmitted in the mountainous Pomak villages near Xanthi as well as in cities where many Pomaks have recently migrated. This survival of collective memory is associated with a respect of the young generation of the Pomaks for their ancestors as well as for their mother tongue, which is still actively used.


Transformations of “Pomakness”

Considering the prevailing trends for the Pomak identity we could mention S.Trubeta’s description (Trubeta 2001:120) distinguishing two basic currents among the Pomaks of Greece: a. Identification with Turks, b. Self-determination as “Pomaks”. Those two trends may actually coexist along with the gradual abandonment of mother tongue and the tendency to turn to public Greek-speaking education. No Pomak in Greece would ever accept to be called a “Bulgarian”, while there are some who would like to be called “Greek-Pomaks”, “Greek Muslims”, others who would choose a Turkish self-identification (“we are Greek citizens of Turkish origin”) and many who would offer their own historical interpretations for the existence of Pomaks in the area, calling themselves “Αριάνηδες”, descendants of the ancient tribe of the Ahrians, or “απόμαχους” (veterans) of Alexander the Great. These theories more or less correspond to the appropriations of the Pomak identity from state politics oriented authors.
The understanding of history by the Pomaks is not always hazy. On the contrary there are times when 20th century events are reiterated with amazing details, especially by those who participated in them, either as soldiers in the army or as collaborators of the guerrillas during the civil war. Older Pomaks in Xanthi often divide the past into certain historical periods. They refer to a distant, undetermined event calling it stáro yevéltsko or birvakîtsko (old or once upon a time). The guerrilla activities of kumíte in Rhodope are mentioned as kumitlîk. The period of the Bulgarian presence in Xanthi is called Burgalîk. The time of civil war in Greece (1945-1949) is called antarlîk. The abandonment of the Pomak villages, when they were evacuated during the civil war in order not to provide assistance to the communist Democrat Army, is called matzilîk.
The identity issue is often approached in a more philosophical way. Many Pomaks would say that it is a vain and worthless subject, while “it is only worth having good relationships with each other and enjoy all together” (3) . A middle-aged Pomak from Kimméria remarked: “Whatever you are, be it Pomak or Turk, God simply gives you like a flower. And the day comes when it’s all over, the day when you die…” (4) . Such existential concerns could be seen either as the acceptance of the co-existing “other” or as a sign of ethnic weakness, since stigmatized and powerless ethnic groups are often prone to play down the importance of ethnicity in interaction with a dominant majority (Eriksen 2002:32).
The Pomaks of Greece often reproduce the stereotypes attributed to them by other ethnic groups. For example, they seem to endorse the Christians’ belief that Pomaks are industrious and honest. They also depreciate themselves using a phrase that the Turks use concerning the Pomak temperament: “Pomakdan akιl sonra geldi”(5) ( The Pomak brain arrived late). There are also proverbial phrases by which the Pomaks refer to a potential backwardness and stubbornness that an individual from their own village may have. That person may be called “wooden head” (dórvena glavá) or “oak head” (búkava glavína) (6) . Another appellation of backward old people used in Mustáfchova area is “barchinevlânine” (mountainous people). In mixed population areas such as Kimméria, where the Pomaks are often drinking companions in the same cafés or play cards together with Christians, they openly present themselves as being open-minded and sincere compared to the Christians whom they consider insincere and dishonest.
In 1947-8 author G.Gagoulias was a leading member of the communist Democrat Army during the civil war in Greece. He cooperated with Pomaks in the Organi region (near Komotini). Talking about the Pomaks of Organi G.Gagoulias tried to summarize his view by providing five basic ethnic characteristics which he considers typical of them. According to him the Pomaks:
1. have a strong belief in family ties
2. lay great emphasis on religion
3. are loyal (they may equally submit to the army or to revolutionary forces)
4. They are people of the mountain (Nobody can catch them up there)
5. They are peaceful. They do not like war.
G.Gagoulias remarked: “The Pomak is submissive. Whoever comes to power, the Pomak does not react. The policeman comes? The guerrilla comes? The guerrilla asks for a sheep? He gives it. The Pomak does not react. It is a passive psychology, the remains of an old situation”(7) . Such a description may sound rather essentialist. However, similar comments are often repeated for the Pomaks by members of other ethnic groups. Theoretical considerations and anthropological approaches to Pomak identity also pinpoint to similar features. In 2001 S.Trubeta wrote: “The Pomaks have usually been loyal to official power and have always followed survival strategies” (Trubeta 2001:111-2). Concerning the role of religion S.Trubeta adds that “the Pomaks still place religion at the centre of their system of values and their socialization, considering the participation in the Friday prayer to be their obligation (Trubeta 2001:130-31). It goes without saying that such stereotypes need not correspond to reality but they do reflect the particular access of an ethnic group to society’s resources. Moreover, stereotypes are crucial in defining the boundaries of the Pomak identity often functioning as self-fulfilling prophecies.
The transition of Pomak communities from the pastoral condition (before 1919) to the agricultural ( especially after the 1950s), along with the subsequent abandonment of both pastoral and agricultural activities for a great part of them (after the 1970s) has led to an extensive urbanization and migration to various places in search of work. To the newly introduced occupations (construction workers, shipyard workers, merchant mariners) that the labour market demanded, the Pomaks immediately responded and they rapidly became skilled craftsmen much sought after for their diligence and craftsmanship. After the sixties, stock breeding ceased being the main source of income for the Pomaks of the mountainous area of Xanthi. Nowadays there is a growing tendency for the abandonment of agricultural activities, as tobacco planting does not appear to be so profitable and as no alternative types of agriculture are promoted.


The multiple dimensions of belonging

The ethnic classification of the Pomaks of Greece is often being done using identification criteria such as language, origin, religion, anthropological characteristics and general qualities. The representation of the Pomak identity is constructed, either by researchers or by the Pomaks themselves, on the grounds of the language they speak or their Islamic faith. Using Barth’s words (Barth 1969:15) we approach ethnicity as a form of social organization based on the interaction between a group and its environment. What makes some people members of an ethnic group is their own decision to place themselves within this group. The boundaries of that group exist because certain communities want to be distinguished from some others (Cohen 1985:12). At the level of a village, a settlement becomes distinct from other settlements in a symbolic way. The community is turned into a storing area for those symbols, a mechanism by which forms of behaviour are being aggregated (Cohen 1985:19-20). In the case of the Pomaks of Xanthi perceptions of closeness and distance could be used as criteria for the interpretation of the “us” and “them” dichotomy prevailing in the perception of selfhood.
In their conversation with non-Pomaks, Pomaks often raise the “we” and “you” distinction. Talking about themselves they use the world náshine (those who are ours) and they talk of the group of the person they are talking to as váshine (those who are yours). The definition of the “we” may actually expand and contract depending on the situation. Which are the “náshine” for a Pomak in Greece? This is a question I have tried to explore in interviews during my field research. The answer is that the sense of belonging to one particular group can be analyzed in five different levels. A Pomak could first regard as nash (the one who is ours) a member of one’s own family. In that sense everybody else not belonging to his/her family is not nash. At a second level we could consider as “ours” somebody from our own village. It is very common to hear negative comments about people from other villages. For example, Pomaks from Sminthi often accuse the inhabitants of Ehinos of being two-faced and backward. They may also say that the Sahinovlânine (Ehiniots) are not real Pomaks but they are Pomak-gypsies. In a similar way, nagorevlânine (highlanders) may say that the Pomaks of the lowlands (nadoluvlânine) do not speak Pomak well and have adopted a lot of Turkish words in their vocabulary. At the community level there are strong ties, feelings of sharing and responsibility along with intense moral control of everything taking place within the boundaries of the village. It seems that everybody knows where another person is within the village boundaries. If you ask for somebody, they can give you precise details on where that person is working at a specific time, what time he/she will be back and so on.
The Pomak communities do not cease existing when Pomaks migrate to an urban environment. Family and community ties are preserved especially when Pomaks move to a place near their former co-villagers. It is also very common for the Pomaks of big cities to gather in cafés owned by people from their own village: e.g. the Pomaks of Dimario have their own café in Xanthi, the Pomaks of bigger villages (such as Pahni, Kentavros, Gláfki etc) have more than one.
A third level of belonging is that of religion. At that level one may be Hristyánin or Musulmánin. The term Urúmin/Urúmka, often used by the Pomaks for Christians being native Greek speakers, also carries religious connotations and is not identified with the word Yunánin (Greek) which is nation-specific. Some devout Muslim Pomaks may also use the word kavúrin (infidel) when they refer to a Christian. When the Pomaks of Xanthi speak with other Pomaks in Greek about a native Greek speaker+Christian they would call that person Έλληνας/Ελληνίδα (Greek man/Greek woman). In private conversations very few Pomaks would use these terms to talk about a member of their family. Neither would they use the term Bulgarian. As far as the term “Turkish” is concerned it is often used not as an ethnic identification but as a synonym for “Muslim”. The word Bulgarian is associated with memories of oppression and violation of religious freedom and has usually been full of negative connotations. This is shown in the following interview extract:
Q: Did people use to love the Bulgarians in the past?
A: (angrily) How could they love them? What could you love of them? They said “Either you change or you are dead. Either come with me or you are gone”. They said “We are cousins”. What sort of cousins? How come we are cousins? You are in Bulgaria, I am in Greece. The Bulgarian comes, you have to learn Bulgarian… The Turks come, you have to learn Turkish…(8)
The reception of the Bulgarian army by the Xanthi Pomaks during the First and the Second World War varied from one village to another. In the Mustáfchova (Míki) area they remember (9) that during World War II, when the Bulgarians came to Xanthi region, the inhabitants of Mustáfchova village greeted them in a friendly way because they had heard they would commit atrocities if they did otherwise. That’s why, the story goes, the Bulgarians called Míki “Mírnoto sélo” (quiet village).
The fourth level of belonging is the most interesting. It is the one related with “Pomakness”. Being a Pomak does not mean the same thing for everybody but it is definitely something distinct from other ethnic groups. Members of other ethnic groups consider the term Pomak to sound degrading. To the majority of the Pomaks it is an acceptable self-description although in certain contexts they would easily adopt a Greek, a Turkish or a European identity. Just for fun they could also address a friend of theirs in the street with the words «Άντε βρε Πομάκο!» (Α, vre Pomak!), ridiculing in that way the negative connotations the term may carry for others and deeply accepting it as their own identification: something they may both love and make fun of.
The lines dividing the Pomaks from other Muslims (Turks, Roma etc) were clear-cut a few years ago. Pomaks in Xanthi use the term Tsiták derogatorily for those mountain villages (10) which are Turkish speaking. The Tsitáks themselves would call themselves as Kónyali (saying that they originate from Konya-Asia Minor). In the past it was not common to have mixed marriages between a Pomak and a Tsiták but this has changed in the last three decades.
The cultural differences between the Pomaks and other ethnic groups were easily distinguished not only by the Pomaks themselves but also by others. It is worth mentioning the reminiscences of a 70-year-old Greek Christian from Kimméria village referring to the Pomaks before and after World War II:
The customs of the Pomaks were different from those of the Turks who lived in our area. Whenever they came down to the plains before the war I was at school. The school was next to the mosque. When the Pomaks wanted to get inside the mosque in order to pray, the Turks wouldn’t let them in. They called them infidels. Thus the Pomaks had to put a small mat on the river banks. They washed themselves, did their namáz in the river. What is more important is that they never exchanged any girls with the Turks till 1955, 1956, when a Pomak eloped a Turkish girl, the daughter of Toptsi. A war almost broke out between them. There was such enmity that they had to take the girl to Turkey out of fear. They got married in Turkey and stayed there. It was the first incident that a Pomak got married to a Turkish girl. In our days the Pomaks get married even to gypsies. Not with the Christian gypsies but with those who are in Gashané.(11)
There is also a fifth level of belonging that the Pomaks of Greece may project in certain contexts: that of Greek citizenship which is also associated with “being a European”.
A cultural geography of identity in Western Thrace could lead to a variety of grouping. A first distinction that could be made is between highlanders (nagorevlânine) and plainsmen (nadoluvlânine). In the category of the Pomaks living in the uplands we could distinguish certain sub-categories:
1. Those still living in small, remote villages (e.g. Kídaris, Diásparto), most of them old people dealing with farming and agriculture.
2. Pomaks living in medium size mountain villages (e.g. Thérmes, Médussa, Sátres).
3. Those living in modernized villages (e.g. Páhni, Gláfki) more prone to adopt a “European” attitude towards identity.
4. Villages with many advocates of Islamic fundamentalism (e.g. Ehínos, Oréon), although even there, most people still communicate using Pomak dialects.
In the lowlands of Thrace we could draw a distinction among: 1. Small deserted villages, 2. Small still inhabited villages, 3. Pomaks who have recently migrated to lowland villages, 4. Pomaks who recently migrated to big cities. The social responses of those Pomaks living for a long time in the villages of their origin seem to differ greatly from the ones who have lived in an urban environment for a long period. O. Demetriou’s remark (Demetriou 2004:107) that “the more the altitude increases the more turkishness decreases” may generally be valid, although there are many local deviations determined by other factors besides the altitude. One such factor is the presence of Bektashism in the Pomak villages NE of Komotini.

Language, culture and politics

In the mountain villages of Xanthi the native language and culture of the Pomaks often become the target of ethnic appropriations. Ignoring the existence of Pomaks and Roma, a pro-Turkey Muslim elite in Western Thrace often attack the use of any Slavic vocabulary in an attempt to show that the Muslim minority of Thrace is an ethnic minority consisting of Turks only. Members of this elite are horrified by the possibility of introducing Pomak as a native tongue in minority education, although this has never been the intention of the Greek Ministry of Education. One of the aspects of the minority education issue in Greece was exemplified in the case of the “Fox Tale” incorporated in the Greek language course book that was used in the 3rd grade of Greek Minority Schools (12) . Τhe course book contained the Slavic words Lesítsa (fox), Máyka (mother) and Dúlka (quince tree) as names of some of the tale characters. This fact irritated certain representatives of the Muslim minority of Thrace, who protested and organized a gathering in Símantra village in order to collect signatures against the book. (13) Despite the protest of minority school teachers and an angry announcement that they made (14) , the final action taken by the Greek Ministry of Education was to proceed to a revised edition of the books, in which the Lesítsa was turned into Lenítsa (Young Helen). (15) Another example of subverting state education in favour of the introduction of Turkish in nursery schools and state secondary schools is the case of the tension exhibited over the issue of providing water for the state secondary school of Sminthi during the service of the previous mayor of the Municipality of Míki Mustafa Aga. When the following Mayor, Mutzahid Dukianji, took over, the Smínthi Secondary School had similar problems with water supply. (16) The undermining of the state educational system was not restricted to the issue of water. In 2004 the Municipality of Míki refused to give the Smínthi Secondary School the money they are given by the State for the heating of the school. As a protest many parents from the neighbouring Pomak villages occupied the Mayor’s office for some days. On 30 November 2004 the Municipal Board of Míki decided to accept the money of the state only for the minority schools of the area and the money given to nursery schools, high schools and the Gláfki Senior High School. The rationale of the Board’s decision was that they wanted the subjects of Turkish language and Religious Education to be introduced to those state schools as well. (17) The occupation of the Mayor’s office by the Pomak parents , although not widely shown by the media, was a strong reaction of the Pomaks towards the attempts to exploit the issue of education in order to cause tension among the minority. One of the Pomaks who participated in the occupation of the Mayor’s office said to a journalist: “they do not want our children to be educated. They want us illiterate so that they can play their games… they are pressing for bilingual education and we say: let them make a minority high school just like the one they have in Xanthi but we should choose where to send our children. Who wants the minority school and who does not? Why does the head of the Municipal Board send his daughter to Athens?” (18)
The issues related to minority education in Western Thrace are often perplexed, as serious changes are taking place in the attitude of the Pomaks towards education. Especially after the introduction in 1995 of a law (19) designating a percentage of places for University entry of Muslim pupils in Higher Education, the tendency of Muslim minority members to send their children to study in Turkish Universities (20) declined dramatically.
The problem of the imposed trilingualism (Michail 2002) in the education of the Pomaks is realized by most of the parents, who often mention that the coexistence of many languages makes it more difficult to make progress at school. As a 54-year-old Pomak said:
That’s why our children cannot learn. When there are five-six languages it means that you will take a lot of years to learn. Now younger people go to Athens with their children. And they go there with their children. Do you know how many? They are the best pupils there. There is nobody to confuse them. When you are confused… (21)
Besides education, attempts to incite political discontent among the Pomaks appear to be a steady concern of some members of the Muslim minority. How easily young Pomaks may be manipulated by spreading rumour that excites their religious sensitivity was shown on 16 November 2004 while the filming of a TV series was taking place outside a mosque in Sahín (Ehínos). A young teenager (whose identity remains unknown) claimed that he saw two actresses of the TV series enter a mosque improperly dressed. The rumour spread very fast and, without checking its reliability, hundreds of young Pomaks attacked the actors, actresses and the cameramen and beat them. (22)


Orality in a time of change

According to Geertz (1983) through culture people can give meaning to their experience and communicate it to others. The various aspects of traditional culture are based on a complex system of thought which formulates local knowledge. What could we define as cultural knowledge in the case of the Pomaks? As far as folk culture is concerned, the repertoire of storytellers, their means of expression and the ways tales are reproduced may vary among the members of a community. This knowledge is often determined by the sex, the age, the social status, the education and the occupation of the carriers of culture by which tradition is handed down to the next generation. Those narrators, who are the vehicles by which local knowledge is transmitted, function both as reservoirs and as dynamic craftsmen building upon their current socio-cultural environment.
The fact that the local variations of the language spoken by the Pomaks remained unwritten and far from any scholarly record lead to the devaluation of their language in relation with other codes as well as to the abandonment of their native tongue. A passage form oral speech to written language would imply the entrance of the Pomaks into the community of “historical peoples”. This is what the Pomaks of Western Thrace have been deprived of: the equal presence of their language in relation to Turkish and Greek, which have pervaded essential fields of linguistic expression.
The language heard in most construction sites in Xanthi is neither Greek nor Turkish but various Pomak dialects. The same is the case within the Pomak villages. However, in their communication with others in an urban environment the Pomaks would use Greek, as being more neutral and as it does not distinguish them from other citizens. When they do want to be distinguished (especially when they are with friends or co-villagers) they retract to their mother language. They may also speak Turkish when they address someone whom they consider anti-Pomak or when they want to appear well-educated: speaking Turkish is regarded as a proof of literacy.
The Pomaks themselves may provide various interpretations for their language and its Slavic elements. A Pomak from Padína (Anthiró) village gives his own version, which relegates the adoption of the language now spoken by Pomaks to the time of Bulgarian occupation:
We came from Bulgaria a long time ago. They came here escaping… This land was once owned by Turkey. Four hundred years or so. Then they fled, separated. Turkey left, Bulgaria came. When the Bulgarian came in the past they caught people and told them: “You will be speaking Bulgarian all the time and you will have a Bulgarian religion”. The elderly from here answered: “We don’t give our religion. We give our language but we don’t give our religion”. (23)
A Pomak from a neighbouring village provides a contradictory conception of the Pomak history invoking imaginary history books that presumably authenticate and validate his approach:
My grandmother used to tell me that we are not Pomaks. We are Apomahoi (veterans). But the Greeks could not say Pomákia (24) , they said Apómahoi, Apómahoi, Apómahoi, hence it finally became Pomákoi. We are from Alexander the Great, if you have read what the book writes about us. From Alexander the Great we are. Then they changed languages. In the past we used to have a document called “Turk tabalι”. It was written so that no Bulgarian would annoy us. They found this document and read that we are from Alexander the Great. Old letters! It is in Arabic. (25)
It goes without saying that such interpretations may be the self-images projected to a Greek-speaking researcher while different perceptions may be projected in a different sort of communication.
It has been noticed (Eriksen 2002:28-29) that members of weaker groups may develop a tendency towards identity shift or assimilation in their contact with stronger ethnic groups. This tendency may be exhibited in various cases. In the case of oral discourse and name-giving we notice that the choice of a name or a nickname plays a crucial role in the self-perception procedures. The traditional name-giving practice was to name boys after Muhamed’s grandchildren (Hasán, Huseín) and the most favourite names following were Ahmét and Mehmét (sounding closer to Muamét). The name Mustafá was also popular. In the case of girls Muhamed’s daughter (Fatmé) and mother (Eminé) along with Tzumlé (also mentioned in the Kuran) were the priorities. The name was registered by the father in the community books and no intervention on the part of the priest (imám) was needed. It was also common to choose a name that would remind of the grandfather (starting with the father’s father). There were no “-oglu” endings in the surname in the past. In recent years the “-oglu” ending was adopted in certain cases by Pomaks wishing to exhibit Turkish origin (26) .
The abandonment of a name in favour of a nickname is also related to identity issues. The widespread use of nicknames among the Pomaks is related with the wish to adopt multiple but co-existing self-images. The choice of a nickname (úkraba) by a Pomak may usually sound funny within the community. The úkraba is often associated with some features of a person (e.g. Daktór, Kaík, Sekíp, Atzém, Spirt-Moustafa, Panítsata[dish], Tséshkata[ladle], Amát [Alékos, Tzemíl>Tzímis, Eminé>Émi, Mehmét>Mimis). On the other hand, a typical change is the transformation of the Arabic name in its diminutive or one sounding closer to Slavic (Mustafá> Múte/Mútko, Halil> Láko, Mehmét>Métko, Hasán>Sánko, Fatmé>Mínka, Hamidé>Mída) (Theoharides 1995:532).
As far as the new born children are concerned there seems to be a significant trend to give them names that sound European rather than Arabic, in order to facilitate their inclusion into the majority urban community. In the last decade more and more Pomak parents choose neutral and not origin-specific names for their children (Alain, Suzanne, Benjamin etc). There are also grown-ups suing the legal procedures to change their names from Arabic into neutral.
The folk culture of the Xanthi Pomaks has undergone great changes in the last five decades. Twenty years ago in many Pomak villages certain ancient ritual activities were very popular, but they have now become extinct. One such activity was the zhïf ógan gathering: all the Pomaks of a village gathered in the summer (27) in a fixed place of their village. Two men (preferably brothers) picked íshka (firestone) from the pine trees, put it on a log and started rubbing it with a thick rope (fórtama) in order to light a fire. Once the fire was lit everybody had to jump over it. They also went through a large metal coil (zólezno óbrats). Even whole flocks of animals were forced to go through that coil. Such pagan rites aimed at conjuring the evil and at safeguarding good health for the whole village. Moreover, they were a pretext for the whole village to meet and celebrate.
Muslim religious festivals are still considered to be important social events promoting community coherence and the re-determination of collective identity. The big gatherings of the Pomaks during the mahyá (28) and the hátim(29) events are not a mere religious meeting. They rather function as a way of rediscovering friends and relatives (arkadáshine i vótreshni) turning the gathering (zbor) into a redefinition of the boundaries of the Pomak community. The participation of young Pomaks in the organisation and preparation of such events is taken for granted. However, it should be noted that to some Pomaks the great emphasis given to such religious activities seems far-fetched. It may be added here that the Turkish speaking Muslims in Western Thrace do not seem to share similar attitudes towards such religious practices which they have abandoned in most cases. As far as non-religious festivals are concerned, the spring celebration of the Hidrelez on the 6th of May has lost all religious connotations previously associated with the Old Calendar St George’s Day.
The absence of written records for the Pomaks of Thrace has preserved their folk culture intact through time but has also prevented them from cultivating their cultural identity. As W.J. Ong remarks “Writing introduces division and alienation but a higher unity as well. It intensifies the sense of self and fosters more conscious interaction between persons” (Ong 1988:175). The consciousness-raising operation of orality is exemplified in the case of folk tales and folk songs in the mountain Pomak communities of the region of Xanthi.

Narrators and their audience
The art of narration in remote mountain communities played a crucial role in communication and influenced community values. The folktale reflects a lot of social aspects related to time and space depending on who is narrating what, to whom, when, why and how. The participation of the audience as well as the attitudes adopted by a community towards any sort of tale classification are also significant (30) . While reading, listening to or watching Pomak tales, we notice a great number of familiar images arise along with the central axis of the plot: daily life, space, activities, costumes, personal features, natural elements, information about local authorities or figures and the language itself in its richest form: proverbs, songs, wishes, idioms, curses, all the social and cultural context of the tale, what Barbara Walker has called the cultural baggage (Walker 1990:xxii) of the folktale.
The role of Pomak narrators was to transmit various forms of oral communication. Anyone could be a narrator in a certain context, although good memory and acting skills were enhancing the whole process, turning it into an amazing performance. Once tales were transmitted they became popular among the other members of the community, strengthening the existing social ties. By examining and recording all these elements that narrators add beyond the text we may approach their psychological condition and observe a series of symbols, standards and commonplaces of their community. Moreover, the way a tale is performed by narrators often determines the messages which are to be transmitted. Knowing in advance how the tale is going to end, narrators can choose their own way to lead towards that very ending. They may vary the speed or the pitch of their voice, use a series of non-linguistic devices (such as miming, gestures, exclamations, screams or songs) in order to attract attention and complete their performance. Pomak narrators try to make their tales sound as modern, as happening in the present. They also try to convince their audience that those things did happen.
Pomak story tellers usually make a lot of gestures and grimaces during the narration. Men tend to interrupt the narrator more often than women. On the other hand it seems that a narrator may choose one favourite person at a time to address the tale to, ignoring the presence of other persons sitting around. During the narration of a folk tale in Súnio village on 7-4-2005 a 60-year old narrator from Kimméria was visiting a friend’s house. He was in front seven persons: 1. his friend from Súnio 2. his friend’s wife 3. his friend’s son 4. the son’s wife 5. his friend’s grandson 6. a neighbour 7. the researcher. Some funny tales were told in order to entertain the company. The narrator was constantly interrupted by the three Pomak men, who either made comments or added something. Before the narrator started the story he took off his jacket and got ready for the “show”. While narrating, the story teller kept on looking at the host, his friend. The whole performance was mainly for him, it was like a gift for his hospitality. In a different context on 5-3-2005 the same narrator told some long tales (lasting more than 20 minutes each) in his daughter’s house in Kimméria. He was in front of three of his grandchildren, his daughter and his son-in-law who was from another Pomak village. Before starting, the narrator kneeled down in the middle of the room so that he would be seen by everybody. While narrating he kept on looking at his son-in-law. It seemed that he wanted to make a gift to him, or to share the experience of the story with someone from another Pomak village in the highlands (a Nagorevlânin). The son-in-law, a thirty-year-old Pomak insisted on listening to the tale in Pomak although his two children could understand only a few words, as their mother preferred to speak to them in Greek and sent them to a state school and not a minority school. The other grandson of the narrator, who was 12 years old and lived in Xanthi (also attending a Greek state school) was able to understand the Pomak dialect of his grandfather. At the end of the narration his daughter complained that she had never heard a tale from her father before. When the man continued to tell a Pomak folk tale in Greek he kept on looking at the (native Greek) researcher. A short tale followed in Pomak. This time it was his daughter’s-in-law turn to attract his attention.
As concerns the social setting of tale-telling in the Pomak communities it can be remarked that the experience of tale-telling remains powerful in the memory of middle-aged and older Pomaks. As one of them remembers, it was often associated with vigils and night work:
When I was a kid they used to tell tales. That’s how they spent their time. We had neither television nor shops. They told tales all the time… Everybody told tales. My father, my mother and our grandparents. At home. They gathered together there to have a poprâlka. The highlanders call it metzé, in Gökché Bunár, in other villages. We call it poprâlka (31) . A lot of people used to gather together. One day they went to one house, the next day to another’s house. More friends came. We used to tell our complaints or laugh. They said “There is a poprâlka at the x’s house”. Let’s go. The house was full. You say yours, I say mine. They laugh, drink coffee. They sing. They also made some sort of lottery with small leather pieces. When they put them onto the fire they would jump. Tik, tik, tik. We call that “stips”. We put one piece on one side and one on the other. Here is the boy and here is the girl. And we said “If you take me, we shall get married”. We called tales “masál”. Tales were told in Pomak. In the past they did not know any Turkish.We said: Tell me a tale, grandpa” (Kázi mi annók masále dédu). The grandfather would start: Once upon a time… "Bir vakît bir zamán”. (32)
Younger Pomaks also retain plenty of memories related to oral narrations. A 27-year-old Pomak noticed that to younger generations tales function as a model with which they may compare their own lives:
Before televisions arrived, twenty years ago (33) we used to play all night, till two o’clock after midnight. I have heard a lot of tales from the elederly, especially from my grandfather. The young people still tell tales when they meet. At the café, in the mountains… It depends on where we will be found. We do remember them. We younger people often listen to stories being told and we say “See how it was in the past and how we are now”. (34)


Prevailing motifs in Pomak folk tales

The system of social and moral values depicted in the Pomak folk tales reveals a series of models which are based on human qualities such as: devotion to God, belief in the power of destiny, sympathy, charity, laboriousness, respect for the elderly, friendship, parental love, fidelity, bravery, justice, beauty. On the other hand, the lack of such qualities is castigated: lying, ingratitude, gluttony, jealousy, hatred, treachery, deception represent the opposite of God’s will upon the earth. Justice and injustice are totally contrasted. The same is the case for wealth and poverty, beauty and ugliness, power and weakness, intelligence and stupidity, meaningfulness and absurdity. Another important concept looming up in the Pomak folk tales is that of family. For the Pomaks the family (hanâ) is a domestic group which does not only include the closest relatives (vótreshni) but everybody living in the same house (kóshta) (Tsimbiridou 2000:235-236).
In order to study the prevailing subject-matters of Pomak folk tales we shall examine some examples of Pomak folk tales (35) recorded in the area of Xanthi. The supernatural elements (dragons, ghosts, devils, fairies) are present in many folk tales of the Pomaks. The tales about haunted watermills are also very popular (36) . The conflict with monsters, dragons, ghosts, witches is nothing but the conflict between life and death, between the power of God and the underworld. In a tale (37) from Gláfki (Gökché Bunár) we watch a monster (def), who was eating new-born children, being confronted with a holy girl (evliyá). She informs her village about the activity of the monster and finally manages to throw him into a well. Justice prevails in this world, not in the afterlife.
The battle with supernatural creatures often excited the imagination of the Rhodopi Pomaks. One relevant tale is AaTh 301A (38) (The three stolen princesses), which is blended with AaTh 554B (“The boy in the eagle’s nest”). It is the story of the brave dragon-slayer who persecuted the dragon to the underworld and went back on the wings of an eagle. The Pomak narration is impressively similar to others from Thrace. The descent in the underworld is full of feats, adventure and excitement creating an epic atmosphere. The fight with supernatural monsters results in the final victory of the younger brother. In the Pomak version the other two brothers are cunning and envious and even try to steal his wife. The two unfaithful brothers are beaten by the younger one when he reaches the upper world.
Let’s now examine the Pomak version of Cinderella. The Cinderella tale (AaTh 510A) is believed to originate from the Middle East. In the Balkans and in the Middle East the dead mother, who helps Cinderella, was assassinated and eaten by the evil daughters themselves, in an abominable act of anthropophagy. The Pomaks of Xanthi give Cinderella the name Pepelúshka (39) . In a tale we recorded in Kimméria (40) Pepelúshka, after her mother’s death is forced by her stepmother (pomásteva) to spin wool. She is aided by a cow but the stepmother orders her husband to kill the cow. The cow advises the girl to collect and bury its bones under a gravestone and go there to ask any favour whenever she wants. Pepelúshka wants to go to a wedding feast and is given a wonderful dress and a horse. On the way to the wedding the girl’s horse stops to drink water when a guerrilla (vaevóda) sees her. She runs away but leaves a shoe behind. The vaevóda manages to find her but the stepmother still tries to prevent their wedding by sending Pepelúshka to remove the lice from the head of a devil or dragon (41) (basháykos). The girl delouses the dragon and he gives her a horse with beautiful dresses. The stepmother sends her own daughter to the dragon expecting a similar reward but the dragon kills her. It has been presumed (42) that the Cinderella tale reflects anthropological questions on the relationship between mother and daughter, between food and femininity. The eating of the mother is associated with the eating of the supplier of food. Moreover, the mother is supposed to be the female model. Cinderella is the only one of the three daughters who refuses to commit the act of anthropophagy. It seems that by mourning her mother Cinderella is initiated into the female identity. She collects the bones of her mother (or the cow) and abides by the burial rites. Her mother’s reward is to give her magic clothes and shoes.
The “Ash-boy” (Pepelífchono) is a different tale (43) , although the starting point is a boy playing with the ashes. A king sets a difficult task for any boys wishing to get married to his three daughters: they should jump over the high bridge in the river. Pepelífche is the only one of the three brothers who manages to guard his father’s grave for a whole night. For his bravery he is given three beautiful horses (a black, a red and a white one). Whenever he burns one of the horses’ hair, they come to his assistance. Pepelifche is dressed in three different costumes and manages to jump over the bridge with the horses’ help and he finally wins the king’s daughters, one for him and the other two for his brothers.
The assistance given to a hero as a reward for help previously received may lead to long narrations exceeding half an hour in duration. In such a narration of the “Grateful animals” tale (AaTh 554) (44) a dog called Bop and a kitten called Avína are owned by a young boy. The boy saves the life of a snake from a hedgehog and receives a magic ring as a present. The boy decides to send his mother to the king to ask for the king’s daughter. Aided by the ring the boy marries the princess. When the king learns the secret, he imprisons the boy who is only rescued thanks to the help of his dog and his kitten. A variation of the grateful animals theme is The “Puss in boots” (AaTh 545B) tale. In the Pomak villages the main characters are the fox and a watermill owner (45) but the plot is similar to the well-known classic.
The AaTh 531 (“Ferdinand the true and Ferdinand the false”) (46) tale is often blended with the AaTh 554 (The grateful animals). We have recorded two narrations of the tale from the Slanvé village. Both relate the story of a father who leaves his family to go to work in a remote place. When his son grows old, he leaves home in search of his father. On the way, a gypsy (47) steals his identification documents and traps him in a well. The gypsy finds the father first and presents himself as the real son. When the real son also finds the father he is sent to ask for the king’s daughter. The king sets three difficult tasks which the boy completes with the aid of the grateful animals (fish, ants, bee) he had assisted before. The motif of the three tasks is widespread in many Balkan folk tales: the fish finds a ring lost in the sea; the ants manage to separate forty different types of seeds; the bee is the one to identify the real queen among seven other girls dressed in identical clothes. It is worth noting that one of the narrations we recorded includes a lot more cultural information than the other, in an attempt to make the story more realistic: names of neighbouring cities are used and the problem of poverty is taken to its extreme in order to make an impression. Moreover, the father is presented as a wealthy tobacco merchant, since the narrator, living in an area producing tobacco, thought that this would appeal to his audience.
In the “Ishâ na hárpane” (Ishâ goes to the war) (48) , as recorded in Kótino village (Kotsína) (49) , a girl goes to the war in her father’s place. She is dressed in men’s clothes but the other soldiers doubt about the real sex of their fellow soldier. The girl’s masculinity will have to be tested (50) till she manages to deceive them all thanks to her intelligence and bravery. The tests used for the girl to prove her manhood are not the same in all variations of the tale. In the variation mentioned below the social standards imply that being a girl involves taking care of the family. The tale achieves to criticize the accepted norms of the gender relationships as the girl proves cleverer and stronger than the men in the story:
Zhïváli so na stárïte godínï dvomína stári i imâli so yálnïs annó dóshterö na on dokús godínï i zaváli ye so Ishâ. Dragóvali so so i prekáravali so húbbe, agá annók déne stánva harp i parûkali so Ishínokne bubáyka da íde i toy. Yáttse mu ye stánalo kahór bubáyku yi i ne ye znal kaná da právi, agá mu ye dashlól inakvózen émir. Kak da íde star chülâk na hárpa? Ne so ye nayímal húbbe húbbe da varví. Ne ye mógala da go glôda Ishâ bubáyka yi da pláche i da cherné i kákna go ye glôdala da pláche, mérnava yi so nókana pres akîlane i zafáta da payé:
«Ishín bubáyko pláchesho
Ishâ mu bálno naríchesho,
Mólchi mi, mólchi bubáyko,
Ya she za tébe da ídom,
Kúpi mi kóne i tüféka»
Níta da go chûva ye ne ískal bubáyko yi inazí, alá go ye tya pamólila i nay sétne ye pústïyen bubáyko stánal razî i kúpil yi ye annók kóne i annók tüféka. Nadénala ye Ishâ móskï drípï, apásala ye tüfékane, yáhnala ye kónene i tórnala ye za na hárpane. Agá ye atishlála faf haskeryóno, zglâla mi so ye druzâmne nókakva ne tamám faf lítseno. Yáttse ye búla bälá i kamatná i yáttse tenká za móska chülâka. Stánalo mi ye azám shüfpâ i reklíli so da ye deynettísot. Nay naprésh ye so kláli na annó mâsto kadéna ye imâlo mlógo trendráfela i reklíli yi so da si atkótsa, za da vídet kólko trendráfela she da atkótsa. Annók li íli mlógo. Akú atkótsa annók, kópel ye bul, óti si kópelötana hesebôt yálnïs za gálenitsono. Pak akú atkótsa mlógo, momá ye búla, azám, óti mómïne hesebôt za tsâlo hanôno i she zôme za vrittsâh. I Ishâ ye atkótsala yálnïs annók trendráfela. Sétne ye so kláli mézhdu mlógo fúrkï avítï sas póstro prôlo, za da vídet kólko fúrkï she si adberé pak. Annó li íli mlógo. Alá si ye Ishâ pak annó zôla. Nay sétne ye so nagadíli da paminé sas kóneno annó slézeno râko. Ishâ ye paminólo i râkono kákta mósko i atishlála ye na hárpane na bubáykovo yi mâsto.
In the old times there lived a couple of old people and they had only one daughter who was 19 years old and her name was Ishâ. They loved each other and they we were having a good time when one day war broke out and they called Ishâ’s father to go as well. He was full of grief and he didn’t know what to do when such an order came. How could an old man go to war? He could hardly stand on his feet and walk. Ishâ could not stand looking at her father cry and be in such sorrow. As she was looking at him crying an idea crossed her mind and she started to sing:
“Ishâ’s father was crying
Ishâ answered his grief:
Stop, father, stop,
I will go in your place,
Buy a horse and a rifle for me”
Her father didn’t even want to hear it but she begged him and in the end the poor father agreed and bought a horse and a rifle for her. Ishâ was dressed in men’s clothes, got her rifle, rode on the horse and set off for the war. When she appeared in the army the others thought there was something wrong with her face. She was too white and beautiful to be a man. They became suspicious and decided to try her. First of all they put her in one place where there were a lot of roses and they told her to pick them, so that they would see how many roses she would pick: one or many. If she picked one she would be a boy because a boy has only his beloved girl in his mind. But if she picked many, she would be a girl, because girls have their whole family in mind and she would pick roses for all. Ishâ picked only one rose. Then they put her in the middle of many distaffs which were woven with multi-coloured wool, in order to see again how many distaffs she would choose: one or many. But again Ishâ took one. Finally they made her cross a turbulent river on her horse. Ishâ crossed the river like a man and so went to the war in her father’s place.

One of the most widespread tales in the Rhodope highlands is that of the bear that lived with a human being but was hurt by the human’s complaints that the bear smells badly. In some variants the bear has a love affair with a man. In the Pomak variants from Xanthi it is a girl, mentioned as the bear’s daughter (mechkóyne dashterâna), who lives with the bear. The tale corresponds to the AaTh 159B type of the international folk tale classification (“Enmity of lion and man”) in which the lion allows man to strike him behind the head with an axe. After a year: the wound is healed but not the ache. In Rhodope the bear takes the lion’s place but the ending is the same. The final conclusion is a proverbial phrase Υerána sa zagáve dúmana sa ne zabaráve (The wound is cured, the word is not forgotten). The following version from Gláfki (51) seems to be based on that proverbial phrase as well as on the strong impression a bear makes on the people of Rhodope:

Bir vakît bir zemán dve mómï i dve méchkï zhïválï sa nókolku faf ennók bayíren. Enná mechká nashlála nókade ennó míchko déte i zôla go ye sas tîye da sa ne sïkïldísava i da ye ne samá. Hránila go ye a tíye. Iskútila go ye kákta tóyna déte. Agá bayé narástala mómechona zôla da sa séta i da dúmi. Ennók akshéma kogána sa légnalï da spöt reklála e mechkómne:
- Vîye bîyete yétse na grózna.
I mechkóine ye yétse dabalnéla. I mechkána ad aynózhek láfa ne mógala da go iskára at sartséna. Godínï sa pominálï. Mómechona za málku vréme sétne at kak se ye azhónila mamána mechkóine e reklála ennók déne da íde nah te da e abíde. I kogána ye mechkána stánala da si varví, mamána ye reklála da íde pak bir ái sétne. I mechkánay i víka:
- Zômi ennó brádva, i ódrezhi mi rakósa.
Pómnila ye zam mechkána. Αlíe dashterôna ne íshkala da yi právi parátiko.
- Νi mózha da stórem aysakvós parátiko i ni mózhom zhîyen móe kútil kákta máyka, reklála ye momána.
Alíe mechkána ókadar mólila da ye ne sétne mamána zôla ennó brádva i sétne da yi adréze rakóna.
I vórnala si so ye zam mechkána na bayírene.
Agá e paminóla edín mésets atishlála ye pak na dashterôna i da ye abíde kákna si go sa nagodílï.
- Kak ti stána yeráta na rakóta? pîtala e dashterôna.
I agá ye vídela yeróna na rakóna víka mechkána:
-Yerása mi sa bórshku izgoví. Ála zhása yerá na sartséso at zhókte láfa mi réche za ennók akshéma néma mi so izgoví níkogani. Advórnala ye mechkána i atishlála si ye.

Once upon a time two girls and two bears lived in a forest. One bear found a young child somewhere and took it in her place so that she would not feel distress or loneliness. The bear fed the child and brought it up like her own child. When the girl grew up, she started to understand and speak. One night, when they lay down to sleep the girl told the bear:
- You smell badly.
The bear was hurt and could not remove that word from her heart. Years went by. A short time after the girl got married, one day the bear thought of going to visit her. When the bear stood up to leave , the girl told her to come back after a month. And the bear said to her:
- Get an axe and cut my hand.
The bear remembered. But the daughter did not want to hurt the bear.
- I cannot do such an evil thing and I cannot do it to the one who brought me up like a mother, the girl said.
But the bear begged her so much to get an axe later and cut her hand. And the bear went back to the forest. After a month the bear went to her daughter to visit her, as they had arranged.
- What happened with the wound on your hand? The daughter asked.
When she saw the wound on her hand the bear said:
- My wound healed fast. But that wound in the heart from the word you said will never be healed, the bear said and left.

In the tale from Álma (Agnilána) (52) “Zhána bába so ye vráshtala gech nah kóshtono” (The old woman who went home late) gender relationships are also present. The obstinacy of a woman makes her disobey whatever her husband says. The husband gets angry because he cannot find his wife who goes to a neighbour’s house and is always late. He throws his wife into the river. After calming down, he starts searching for his wife, walking upstream rather than downstream. When a passerby asks him what he was doing the old man answers that his wife was too obstinate to go downstream and advises the man to love his wife even if she has certain defects (víka mu da ye mílava zhanóno mu da ye i sas kusúre).
The tale of the unlucky brother whose luck cannot be arrested (AaTh 947A) can be found in many Pomak villages around Xanthi. In a version we recorded recently (53) in Kimméria a prophet (edín peikambér) who is a king has two children and decided that one would be poor and the other rich.The two brothers are given the Turkish names Bin (One thousand) and Bir (One), to show the big gap there is between them as far as property is concerned. The rich brother’s duty is to feed the poor one. The rich brother (Bin) uses various tricks to give money to Bir but the poor brother proves unable to take advantage of the offer. Bin hides money in a pie (klin) and gives it as a present to Bir but he sells it to a gypsy (tsingené). For a second time Bin puts money inside his brother’s house on the mat (ragozína) but a gypsy steals it. In his final attempt, Bin puts a sack full of golden pounds on the bridge before his brother’s crossing it. Poor Bir decides to try crossing the bridge with his eyes closed. The conclusion of the tale is “Agána néma badín kïsméte, néma” (If there is not any luck for one, there is not).
Fate proves to be a fundamental notion widely spread in the oral tradition of the Pomaks. An equally important notion is that of God. This is reflected in phrases like Alláh e golém za sékok (= God is great for all) which is an impressive typical ending for certain tales. Besides the acknowledgment of the power of God, there are also events justifying Allah’s basic qualities, which are power and authority, benevolence and forgiveness (54) . The signs of Allah are found everywhere and human beings have to observe the laws of God, otherwise they will be punished. Besides the belief in God, the acceptance of the inescapability of human fate is reflected in a lot of Pomak tales. God can cure the most serious disabilities, raising the good people and destroying the evil ones.
Pomak tales do not only reflect cosmological considerations. They also show the existence of strong inter-generation ties in the mountain communities. For example, the respect that Pomaks show to the elderly arises as an essential concern. According to a relevant tale (55) , a padisâh (king) orders people to kill all old men. One man hides his father. One day the padisâh orders his people to make a rope of sand. Nobody can imagine how this can be done. The son asks his old father and follows his advice. He goes to the king saying the rope of sand is ready, provided the king gives him milk from a mule. The king understands his mistake and realizes how wise old people are.
A great number of Pomak narrators often include anecdotal stories and jokes in their narrative repertoire. Among the funny animal tales favourite among the Pomaks in Rhodope is “The Fox who ate all the cauldron” (AaTh 15) (56) . The fox pretends she has been invited to become a godmother and gradually eats everything from the cauldron. The dialogues with the fox are vivacious and high-spirited as the theft is being carried out in three steps corresponding to the names that the fox claims to give as a godmother: 1. Nasardáts, when she starts eating 2. Náalats, when she has eaten half the cauldron 3. Nálupats, (57) when the cauldron is eaten up and is finally turned upside down.
The figure of Nasreddin hója, popular all over the Balkans, is also the favourite protagonist of amusing narrations, being able to discard all sorts of worry with an outburst of laughter. Old Pomaks used to say "Za kirk déne akú ne spominésh Nasradíne sha se izlézi pak” (If you do not evoke Nasreddin’s name within forty days, he will rise again). That implies that the Nasreddin jokes are part and parcel not only of people’s entertainment but also of their daily routine. It is really difficult to say whether moral messages should always be extracted from such anecdotal stories, since they usually aim at entertaining rather than teaching. However, certain narrators would straightforwardly take advantage of any story in order to either endorse or undermine standardized social norms. On the other hand, a tendency to suggest critical attitudes towards society and life is very often observed. Such a subversion of accepted practices might either be based on religious models or on a deeply rooted attitude reflecting the popular wisdom of the mountain communities. One may say that the more provocatively narrators dare discuss hot local issues the more challenging their narration becomes.
It is worth citing one of the most popular anecdotal tales for the Pomaks: “Nasradín hója ye sékal górma” (Nasradin hoja was cutting a tree) (58) , in which Nasreddin is sitting on a branch of a tree and starts cutting it off. A man warns him and when he finally falls, Nasreddin thinks the man could also predict the time of his death:

Nasradín hóje so ye pakáchil na annók górma az brádvano. Pakáchil so ye na vórhane i faf dónono go seché. Kakná seché, pamína adín chülâk i víka mu:
- Ey Nasradín, kaná práysh?
- Séchem darvá.
- Che da kak óti itîy tï? Sha da pánnish. Óti si tï at góre i adól sechésh.
- A néma, víka, da pánnom.
Chülâkon si zamína. I tóy seché atsé “Zhuk” na zemôno as vórhane as darvóno. I tóy so nafîrkava nachîi da stíga chülâkane i víka:
- Ey, ey, vórni so.
- Kaná ye? víka.
- Tï mádenkï znósh ya ta she pánnom, znosh li báre kugá she si úmrom?
- Che kak da ne znom?
- Che kázhi mi báre.
- Ídi tóvari magáreno mókra pâska ad râkono i ískaray go na mesegún, na ennó barchíno i kats kerétno pórtsne bróy go za inélkos déne sha si umrésh, víka.
- Tamám, víka.
I Nasradín hója hódi taváre magáreno pâska i vaz nazí na góre i kats kerétna pórtsne tóy go brayí. I magáreno pórtsnava kïrk kerét. I tóy durgá da so paminót kîrkno gün práy si hazirlîka. Iskapáva si gróbane i kugána so navórsovot denéne tóy hóy lâga faf gróbyeno sha si mre sána. Akshámlayn, agî so stemnâva chûva nókana tïtîrka ídot árabïne as devéne kanána so kárali kárali stómni, vódo i bríkove pat gróbyeno so pamínali. Nasradin so ye naníknal da vídi kaná stánava i upláshava devéne. I to so pláhnavot i raspadrîpkalï so so itám na dol i hïhîrnalï so i bríkovene i stóvnine rasbívot gi. I tíye go fátot devejíene ta mo dávot annó sópo. I Nasradín si hóy na mahalóno. I tíye go pîtot:
- Da, Nasradín ne li si ti umré? Kaná báre íma pa drúgono dünyó?
- A bä, at devejísko sópo, drúgo néma níkakna.

Nasreddin hoja had climbed on a tree with an axe. He climbed to the top and he was chopping the trunk. As he was chopping, a man passed by and told him:
-Ei, Nasreddin, what are you doing?
- I am chopping wood.
- Yes, but why so? You will fall! Because you are above, cutting the part below.
- A, no, I won’t fall.
The man passed by. And he went on chopping when suddenly “zhuk” he fell on the ground with the twigs and the wood. He hurried to reach the man and he said:
-Ei, ei, come back!
- What happened? he said.
- Since you knew that I would fall, do you also know when I will die?
- How shouldn’t I know?
- Then tell me!
- Go and load the ass with wet sand from the river, take it to the ridge of a mountain and count how many times the ass will fart: those are the days after which you will die.
- OK, he said.
And Nasreddin hoja went and loaded the donkey with sand and from that point he started counting how many times the donkey would fart. The donkey broke wind forty times. Until the forty days passed he made preparations. He buried his grave and when the days were running out he went and lay inside the grave in order to die. At night, as the dusk was falling, he heard some noises coming from carts with camels, which were passing under the cemetery, carrying jugs, water and pots. Nasreddin arose to see what was going on and frightened the camels. They were panic-stricken and started jumping downwards and they smashed the jugs and the pots. The camel riders arrested Nasreddin and beat him. Nasreddin went to his village. They asked him:
- Well, Nasreddin, haven’t you died? Tell us, then, what is there in the other world?
- A vre, except for camel riders’ beating there is nothing else.

It is common to have various Nasreddin grotesque jokes narrated in a sequence, making a long tale. The atmosphere created by such narrations is debonair and careless. In such an atmosphere, with so many bitter comments on inter-communal relationships and conflicts (59) , objective truth seems to be constantly ridiculed by a hero who combines stupidity with intelligence, tragic and comical features alike. However, we could say that the subversive function of Nasreddin’s jokes has its limits: Nasreddin’s behaviour deviates from the social norms, undermines all sorts of stability, only to make the audience rediscover their moral standards.


Folk songs as social events

The folk music of the Rhodope mountain is gradually being lost. The Pomaks of Greece are rarely given the chance to listen to it in public events. Only in local village cafés do they hear some old men playing the recorder (pishtélka), the saz or the bagpipe (gáyda). There are also plenty of women still singing at home and teaching some songs to their children. However, we could say that the folk songs of Rhodope still work as a point of reference connecting the past with the present and carrying linguistic forms that may almost be extinct. Moreover, the messages conveyed through the language of the songs relegate memory to a deeply rooted cultural identity which is rediscovered through private or public performances. What ordinary people seem to feel through singing with their friends or family members is the sharing of a common experience of moments related to life: birth, work, pain, illness, war, love, death. It is quite common for the Xanthi Pomaks while singing or listening to Pomak songs to make exclamations about their past such as “These things are true!” or “Such things have happened!”
The experience of life and death leads the mountainous Pomaks to a philosophical attitude towards their own being. The language of the songs enhances the feeling of belonging whenever these songs are sung in twos and threes in front of a larger audience (e.g. that of a café where young people learn through listening and older ones remember). It is a performance aiming not only at entertaining but also at rediscovering collective memory. Each song seems to be the script of that performance by which a story is being told, encapsulating traditional values and standards that will have to be compared and contrasted to the reality the Pomaks are presently facing. Let us examine an example of a powerful death song from Han Mahalé (Áskira) (60) , which is widespread in the Pomak villages of Xanthi:

Mómka sédi na kráy réko
Na kráy réko na bel kámen.
F’ róko dárzhi yogledálo
Da si yogléva bélko lítse,
Bélko lítse i chérnï yóchi
Chérnï yóchi i bélko lítse.
- Lítse, lítse, bélko lítse.
Kói shte vámi da vu zíma
Yéli yunák yéli zdovés?
Yóchi, yóchi, chérni yóchi
Kói shte vámi da vu zíma
Yéli yunák yéli zdóves?
- Ni be yúnak ni ye zdovés
Yam privári chórno zéme
Chórno zéme, mrásna zéme.
Zémyo, zémyo, mrásno zémyo
To yizmávi pórvo lûbe.
Pórvo lûbe i pórvo sévdo.
To shte gníye chérni yóchi
Chérni yóchi i bélko lítse.
To shte gníye chérni yóchi
I ténka snáska.

A girl is sitting at the river banks
At the river banks, on a white stone
Holding a mirror in her hands
To look at her white face,
The white face and the black eyes
The black eyes and the white face.
- Face, face, white face
Who will take you
Will it be a young boy or a man married before?
Eyes, eyes, black eyes
Who will take you
Will it be a young boy or a man married before?
- It was neither a young boy nor a man married before
But the black soil has taken me.
Black soil, dark soil.
Soil, soil, dark soil
This has deceived my first sweetheart.
My first sweetheart and my first love.
This will decompose the black eyes
The black eyes and the white face
This will decompose the black eyes
And the slim body.

In the above song melancholy prevails, yet the praise of beauty and youthfulness remain intact despite the overwhelming power of death. The feelings arising in a modern audience while listening to this song are those of sorrow and compassion along with a deeply rooted nostalgia for a distant past. In other songs where historical events are retold in one way or another, the past is turned into a living entity. The event itself may have been forgotten but the historical hints remain. This is the case of the popular “Kukavíchkana kukóva” song (61) , which probably refers to a war in which the Pomaks assisted the Ottoman army against Russia. It could be either the last Russian-Turkish war (1877-1878) or one of the previous ones (1853-56, 1828-29, 1806-12, 1768-74):

Kukavíchkana kukóva
f’ náshono dólnyo gradíno
Νa chervénono kalíno.
Ízlezi, máyko póslushay
Κakóf mi habér kázova.
I li so bólan da lézhom.
I li so bólni da glôdam.
- Sîinele, sîine máychile
Ni ti mi bólan da lézhish
Ni ti mi bólni da glôdash.
Yútre shte haskér da ídesh
Dovléti hizmét da vórshish
Moskófu karshí da stóyesh.

The young cuckoo sings
In our lower yard
On the red pomegranate.
Get out, mother, and hear
What news it brings:
Shall I fall sick
Or shall I look after sick people?
- My son, son of your mummy
You will neither fall sick
Nor will you look after sick people
Tomorrow you will join the army
To do your service to the state
To stand against Moscow.

The distant memories of the involvement of the Pomaks in the Russian-Turkish war are not time-specific. Even the singers themselves cannot say who fought, where, how or why.
The similarities between the music of the Pomaks in the Greek and the Bulgarian section of Rhodope are not only linguistic and stylistic but also rhythmical (62) . The impressive difference between the Greek and the Bulgarian section of Rhodope as far as folk music is concerned is the attitude towards it and the fact that the Bulgarian Pomaks cultivate their musical traditions and are proud of it, whereas the Pomaks of Greece have a confused attitude towards the music of their ancestors: a deeply rooted love but also a fear to exhibit that love in public. Nevertheless, a research on the musical identity of the Pomaks carried out in Xanthi in 2004 found out that the majority of young Pomaks consider musical tradition to be an important ingredient of the Pomak cultural identity (63) .
Compared to the ones in Bulgaria, there have been few (64) music productions with Rhodopean songs in Greece. Those productions came out only after 1996. Moreover it was during the last decade that Pomak musicians started participating in festivals (65) . Despite those participations it should be noted that Pomak folk songs are not present in weddings or other festivals the way they used to be thirty years ago. Instead they have been substituted by Greek and Turkish popular songs.
The common elements between the Rhodopean songs of Bulgaria and Greece are worth a more elaborate examination. Here we shall only mention the examples of some songs that are similar in the two sides of the borderline. The wedding song “Púkni so trésni, momína máyko”, which was being sung as the bride was riding the horse to be taken to the groom’s house is widespread (66) in a lot of Pomak villages across the Greek-Bulgarian border. Among the other songs that we find across the border are “Glôday mu, glôday, lûbe” (67) (Look at me, look, my love), “Zadálï so so i podálï” (They set off and they are approaching) (68) , “Rádo, Rádo, béla” Rádo (White Rado) (69) , the lullaby “Momá ye mómo rodíla” (a girl gave birth to a girl) (70) and many others. One of the most favourite Pomak songs in the Greek part of Rhodope is “Trimína brátye” (71) (Three brothers). It is about the sacrifice of the foreman’s wife, who is finally immured in order to have a bridge built. In the Pomak versions recorded in the Greek side of Rhodope the foremen are only three and the girl is called Yurké (72) . In a version from Sátres (Siníkova) Yurke’s husband is called Manolis (Mitsakis 1979:468). It is worth mentioning the ending of the song as it is sung in Oréon (Yasí Orén), as well as in Ustovo and Petkovo: as the brothers are throwing stones and pieces of wood in order to immure the young girl in the bridge walls, her left breast remains out of the wall so that she may milk her newly-born baby.

Conclusion
The fluidity of “Pomakness” should be seen as a sign of the constant re-negotiation of the Pomak identity. The cultural differences existing among the Pomak communities may contribute to the establishment of a field of complementarity and advanced interethnic relations, in which difference becomes an asset rather than a drawback. The oral folk tradition of the Pomaks of Thrace is gradually substituted by new forms of expression and communication. In most cases it is only older people who remember folk songs and tales. However, tales and songs are still reproduced whenever a chance is given: when people do tobacco needlework, in cafés, even in construction sites during a break from work. We could say that the elements of orality are much stronger in Pomak villages than in other mountain villages in Northern Greece.
It would be wrong to see the Pomaks of Western Thrace as a homogeneous group with uniform ethnic responses. Any sort of self-identification for the Pomaks has to accommodate with statutory and other interventions related either with religion or language and culture. Being in such a state, the Pomaks of Greece have proved capable of preserving traditional forms of behaviour while undergoing rapid changes. They remain flexible in handling their ethnic orientation as well as the multiformity of their dialects and customs. It appears that, through the continuing ambiguity and the multiple crossbreeding, the Pomaks of Greece retain for themselves the right to re-negotiate history and turn ethnic ambiguity into their own history.




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NOTES
1. D. Michael (2003a), E. Gouvenda, (2003) “Μεταναστευτικά δίκτυα και ταυτότητα στη μουσουλμανική μειονότητα της Θράκης στην Ελλάδα” (Migration networks and identity in the Muslim minority of Thrace in Greece) in: International Conference for Euro-Mediterranean Identity. Lesvos.
2. e.g. many Pomaks from Emónio (Valkánova) moved to Zigós where they grow tobacco. A lot of Pomaks have moved to other villages near Xanthi such as Diomedeia and Chrysa, where they have established structures of communication and social exchange similar to the ones they had developed in the villages of their origin. The Pomaks of the Yaká ( a few kilometers to the North from Xanthi to Komotini: Éranos, Livádi, Prióni, Pórta, Rími etc) have settled along the old Via Egnatia (in Sélero, Lefkópetra, Fília, Kimméria etc), preserving their family ties and customs.
3. 70-year-old man from Oreon village (Yasi Oren) interviewed on 2-6-2005.
4. 16-7-2003 interview with a 54-year-old-man from Slanve (Kimméria region).
5. A phrase recorded in Míki area (Mustáfchova). A similar phrase was used in Eastern Thrace by the Turks in reference to Christians. They used to say: Kâfιrιn akil sonradan gelir (The unbelievers’ brain later comes), informant G.F.Apostolides (b. in 1927).
6. A popular phrase in Dimário village (Demirjík).
7. Interview on 7-4-2004. In the same interview M.G.Gagoulias mentions that the Democrat Army used to publish a trilingual (Greek, Pomak in the Arabic alphabet, and Turkish) communist newspaper. M.G.Gagoulias is the author of the following books: (2001) «Παιδομάζωμα» Τα παιδιά στη θύελλα του εμφυλίου Πολέμου και μετά (“Kiddnapping children”. The children in the storm of the civil war. Iolkos; (2002)Η αθέατη πλευρά του εμφύλιου. Τα τραγικά γεγονότα της 7ης Μεραρχίας του ΔΣΕ (The invisible aspect of the civil war. The tragic events of the 7th Division of the Democrat Army, Iolkos.
8. Interview on 16-7-2003 with a 54-year-old-man from Slanvé (Kimméria region).
9. Interview on 7-6-2005 with a 35 year-old-man from Basáykovo (Mántena).
10. In the mountainous area of Xanthi we could regard the following villages as being Tsiták: Tsalapetinós, Iséa, Gérakas, Pílima, Durgúti, Méga Évmiro, Kriós, Orestiní, Stasiná.
11. 31-5-2005 Interview in Kimméria with a man born in 1925.
12. M.Kriezi, Μια φορά κι έναν καιρό 2. Η Λεσίτσα.Οργανισμός Εκδόσεως Διδακτικών Βιβλίων 3rd ed. 2002. The book was introduced by the educational project “Muslim children education” (Πρόγραμμα Εκπαίδευσης Μουσουλμανοπαίδων) under the scientific supervision of A.Frangoudaki.
13. Agonas 19-2-2003. The organizers of the protest mentioned in the newspaper were Akifoglou Birol and Hatzimemis Turkes. Mr Turkes told the newspaper journalist: “These words are not Turkish. I am looking them up in the dictionary and I cannot find them”.
14. Antifonitis, 1-10-2003, 1,5. «Τι δουλειά έχει η Lesitsa στο παζάρι;» (What is the job of Lesitsa in the bazaar?)
15. Antifonitis 7-7-2004, 5.
16. Empros 21-11-2003, interview with the school headmaster G.Deligiorgis see Empros 16-9-2004, 2. Another example of the attitude of the Mayor of Míki M.Dukyanji towards the Smithi secondary School was shown, when a few days before the National Anniversary of 28 October 2003 tried to prevent the pupils of the Smínthi High School from dancing in the Independence Day celebration.
17. Empros, 2-12-2004, 6, Empros 13-10-2004, 17.
18. Empros 1-12-2004, 7, also see Empros 24-11-2004, 7.
19. The law was enacted in 1995 [Law 2341 “Ρύθμιση θεμάτων του εκπαιδευτικού προσωπικού μειονοτικών σχολείων της Θράκης και της Ειδικής Παιδαγωγικής Ακαδημίας Θεσσαλονίκης και άλλες διατάξεις” (Regulation of issues on the educational personnel of the minority schools of Thrace and the Special Academy of Thessaloniki and other terms) ΦΕΚ 208 Α’, 6-10-1995, pp. 6215-6217, article. 2, pp. 6216.
20. The “exportation” of young Pomaks (especially girls) in Turkey for educational purposes became popular after the 70s. In various interviews we were told that there were people promoting Turkish education among the Pomaks in the name of religion and morality. Those people either received a commission from the parents for their assistance or they were paid by unspecified sources.
21. Interview on 16-7-2003 with a 54-year-old-man from Slanvé (Kimméria region).
22. The TV series members were trapped in Ehínos for hours and around 1.000 Pomaks gathered either to protest or to see what was happening. On the following day the TV series members were taken to the district attorney and suing against members of the TV cast for violating a religious place is now pending. See Antifonitis 24-11-2004.
23. Interview on 25-1-2004 with a 57 year-old-man.
24. The word Pomákia (Πομάκια) is often used by Greek speaking citizens of Thrace derogatorily in reference to the Pomaks.
25. Interview on 12-5-2005 with a 49 year-old-man from Slanvé (Livádi).
26. Interview in Basáykovo (Mántena) on 14-3-2004.
27. According to our information in Kotíli (Kózlutza) the zhïf ógan rite took place in the middle of June, whereas in Dimário (Demirjík) it was organized in August or September).
28. The mahyá is organized in summer months in many Pomak villages usually in places associated with the name of a holy Muslim. It is common to have a tekhe near the plateau where the mahyá takes place.
29. Once young Pomaks have learned a satisfactory amount of prayers by heart at the religious school (Kuran kursu) their parents organize a public feast in which the children recite the prayers in the mosque and plenty of rice with meat is cooked in cauldrons and is offered to visitors.
30. W. Bascom, “Four Functions of Folklore” in: A. Dundes (ed.), The study of Folklore, Prentice Hall, 1965, 281.
31. In the Pomak villages around Míki (Mustáfchova) there is a distinction among the following sorts of home gathering: a) sedénka: after the wedding the fiancé (yunák) goes to the girl’s (gálenitsa) house to sit with her. Only close relatives may be present. b) paprâlka: a meeting where any villager may participate in order to meet with friends c) muhabét: a meeting of unmarried couples taking place almost every evening, aiming at strengthening love-affairs d) mejé: a meeting where talk and work are combined. It could be in the fields or at home. The tasks accompanying talking could be rubbing corn, tobacco processing etc. A popular activity related to the mejé was carpet making. The carpet was called bakanitsa (32. Interview on 9-3-2005 with a 54-year-old-man from Slanvé (Kimméria region).
33. The estimated time for the “arrival” of TV in this Pomak family was around 1985.
34. Interview on 9-3-2005 in Kimméria.
35. The AaTh number corresponds to the International folktale classification number A.Aarne & S.Thompson (1987), The types of the folktale. A classification and bibliography, Helsinki.
36. See «Dvéne ftapanénï vadenítse» from Gláfki (Kokkas 2004:30-31), «Parátkata pomáitsenitsa i drakulózot» from Dimário (Kokkas 2004a: 9-10), «Aminâ na vadenítsono» (D.Kataki & R.Karahotza 1997:75-76), «Ftapanéna vadenítsana» from Gláfki (N.Kokkas &Α.Rongo, 2005 tale number 23).
37. “The dragon who was eating male children” (Zhîyen def yel móskine déti) N. Kokkas - A. Rongo (2005, tale No 21); N. Kokkas (2004b).
38. See other versions of AaTh 301A from Greece in Angelopoulou, Α. & A.Brouskou (1999:47-63); G.Megas (1927:128-136) ; M.G.Varvounis (2005), Λαϊκά Παραμύθια της Θράκης (Folk tales of Thrace), Athens:En Plo , 29-35; D.Damianou (1996) Παραμύθια της Χίου (Folk tales of Chios), tale no 4; F.Papanikolaou (1999), Λαογραφικά Βοίου (Folklore of Voion) Kozani:Instituto Vivliou kai Anagnosis, 536. Analysis of the Greek versions see in M.Alexiades (1982) Οι ελληνικές παραλλαγές για τον δρακοντοκτόνο ήρωα (The Greek versions for the dragon-slayer), PhD thesis. Ioannina.
39. There are 256 recorded variations of Cinderella in Greece in 41 of which the mother is transformed into a cow before being slaughtered. Among the names of Cinderella found in Greek folk tales are: Αθοκουτάλα (άθος: ash+spoon), Αθόκατο (ash+cat), Αθοπούτα, Σταχτοκύλου (the one rolling on the ashes), Σταχταδράχτω (ash+spindle), Σταχτοφούρνι (Ash+oven), Αχυλοπουτούρα (ash+vulva).
40. On 23-5-2005 by a 65-year-old man from Slanve. P.Theoharides (1995:483) also has a version of this tale.
41. From this point onwards the Cinderella tale is joined with the “The spinning women by the spring” tale (AaTh 480).
42. See A.Angelopoulou (2004:260). For the Cinderella tale see A-B.Rooth (1951) The Cinderella cycle. Gleerup:Lund; A.Dundes (1982) Cinderella. A folklore case-book. New York.
43. AaTh 530 (The princess and the glass mountain) D.Kataki & R.Karahotza (1997:44-46). There are 17 Bulgarian versions of the tale in which Pepelífche is called Pepeláshko, Kéltso, Shúrtso or Glávtso. Daskalova-Perkovska et al. (1994:194).
44. Recorded on 8-4-2005 in Kimméria.
45. The tale was recorded in Smínthi. See Α.Zografaki & Α.Tsirpinaki (1997) Οι νερόμυλοι της ορεινής περιοχής και ειδικά η λειτουργία του μύλου στο Ωραίο (The watermills of the mountain area and the operation of the watermill in Oréon) 86-88 (unpublished). A version from Áskira was recorded by Th.Angelis, Λαογραφικόν υλικόν εκ του πομακικού χωρίου Άσκυρα Ξάνθης (Folklore material from the Pomak village Áskira in Xanthi) Hellenic Folklore Research Centre of the Academy of Athens [2404], 1961 also in Μ.G.Varvounis (1996: 87-88).
46. See other Greek versions in G.Megas (1927:116-127) ; S.Loukatos (1957109-112) ; M.Papageorgiou (1984), Παραμύθια από μύθους αρχαίων ελληνικών ποιητικών έργων και άλλα παραμύθια του Βλαχόφωνου χωριού Σκρα (Folktales from ancient Greek poetic works and other tales of the Vlach-speaking village Skra). Thessaloniki, tale no 3; D.Damianou (1996) Παραμύθια της Χίου (Folk tales of Chios), tales 17,19.
47. In Greek folk tales instead of a gypsy there is a beardless man.
48. See a version from Tzeto (Eastern Thrace) «Η Θοδώρα στο στρατό» (Theodora in the army) in E.Stamouli-Saranti (1942), «Παραμύθια της Θράκης» (Folktales of Thrace), Θρακικά 17:139-141. Another variation from Thrace is «Η βουβή που έγινε χελιδόνι» (The dumb girl who became a swallow) in H.Dimitroulopoulos. (1997), Παραμύθια της Θράκης (Folktales of Thrace) Athens 115-118. Two similar Vlach tales are “Spanovangeli” (Beardless Vangelis) and “Feata la strato” (The girl in the army) in Ζ.Papazisi-Papatheodorou (1996), Παραμύθια των Βλάχων. 96 παραμύθια περιοχής Τρικάλων-Θεσσαλίας (Folktales of the Vlachs. 96 folktales from the region of Trikala-Thessalia), Athens:Gutenberg 87-92, 137-141. Also found in Samos M.G.Meraklis & M.G.Varvounis, (2002) Τα παραμύθια της Σάμου (The folktales of Samos), tale 111; in Chios, D.Damianou, (1996) Παραμύθια της Χίου(Folktales of Chios, 35; in Western Macedonia, «Η αιχμάλωτη βασιλοπούλα» (the imprisoned princess) in D.Loukatos (1957:141-145) ; In Naxos, «Η Βδοκιά» in G.Venetoulias (2003) Λαϊκά παραμύθια των Κυκλάδων(Folktales of the Cyclades) 186-189. Also recorded by Jean Pio in 1879 “H βασιλοπούλα που πάγει στον πόλεμο» (Τhe queen who goes to the war) in J.Rio (1879) Contes Populaires Grecs, Copenhague, 57-60.
49. D.Kataki & R.Karahotza (1997) 53. The transcription of the Pomak texts is done in the alphabet introduced by Ritvan Karahotza in his internet Pomak-Greek dictionary 2001-2004 (www.pomlex.com). The phonology of local dialects is preserved.
50. The test whether the girl is a man or a maiden is found in AaTh 884A, whereas there is also a shift of sex in AaTh 881 and 882 as well as in AaTh 514, where a sister becomes a soldier in place of her brother.
51. Reprinted from Ν.Kokkas & A.Rongo (2005:tale 2); Also see G.Megas (1962:13-15); H.Dimitroulopoulos, (2002) Παραμύθια της Θράκης (Folktales of Thrace), Β’ Athens, 75; D.Kataki &R.Karahotza (1997:7).
52. AaTh 1365A, D.Kataki (1997:31-32).
53. Narrated on 12-5-2005 by a 49-year-old Pomak from Slanvé (Livádi). See a version from Míki in Ν.Kokkas (2004a:B18); Other Greek versions in R.Dawkins, Modern Greek folktales. Oxford 1953, No. 79Α.; G.Megas (1927, Α:199-204) ; G.Venetoulias op. cit. (2003:204-208). There have been recorded 13 variants of the tale in Bulgaria.
54. M. Ibrahim (1993) “The concept of God in Muslim tradition”, The Islamic Quarterly 37(2):132-136.
55. AaTh 981, cf . AaTh 1174A. The tale was narrated on 20-4-2005 in a café in Xanthi by a 60-year-old Pomak from Kalótyho (Ugurlú), a village a few hundred meters from the Bulgarian-Greek border. A Vlach version of the tale see in M.Papageorgiou op. cit. (1984 tale no. 45).
56. “The theft of butter (honey) by playing godfather”. We recorded the tale in Kimméria on 7-4-2005. See other versions in Μ.Papageorgiou op.cit. (1984 tale no 14); M.G.Varvounis & M.Meraklis (2002) Τα παραμύθια της Σάμου (Folktales of Samos). Athens, tale no 2; S.Loukatos (1957:4).
57. The names vary a lot from place to place. In some Bulgarian variants the children are named: Natsináltse, Dosredáltse, Dometáltse, Daskalova-Perkovska et al.(1994:42.).
58. Mustáfchova (Míki) version from Kokkas (2004a:B20-21); AaTh 1240. The tale continues with AaTh 1313A. Also see S.Loukatos (1957:307)
59. Tsimbiridou (2000:295), notes that, through their collective function, such anecdotal tales can externalize in a humorous way a wish to ridicule the powerful authorities in general. For the social content of anecdotal tales see M.G. Meraklis (1980)Ευτράπελες διηγήσεις. Το κοινωνικό τους περιεχόμενο (Humorous narrations. Their social content), Athens.
60. The song is sung by Ferat Ali Afendi in the compact disk Τραγούδια και σκοποί των Πομάκων της Θράκης από τα Κιμμέρια και τα Άσκυρα Ξάνθης (Songs and tunes of the Pomaks of Thrace). Πολιτιστικό Αναπτυξιακό Κέντρο Θράκης (Culture and Development Centre of Thrace) 2005. Other versions of the song see. P.Theoharides (1995:397); Kokkas (2004a:B90). Ν.Κaufman & T.Todorov (1970:188).
61. This song is also sung by Ferat Ali Afendi in the compact disk Τραγούδια και σκοποί των Πομάκων της Θράκης από τα Κιμμέρια και τα Άσκυρα Ξάνθης. op.cit. A version of the song from Oréon (Yasí Orén) is found in P.Theoharides (1995: 432). There is a version from Gláfki (Gökché Bunár) in Α. Rongo (2002, 246-247). Another version from Áskira see in Varvounis (1996:55). A version from Smínthi is sung by Mustafa Ahmetsik in the cd Πομάκικα τραγούδια από τη Σμίνθη Ξάνθης (Pomak songs from Smínthi of Xanthi) Xanthi:Spanides 2002. In another Smínthi version included in the unpublished files of lexicographer Ritvan Karahotza we read the same song as follows: “… Am she na haskér da ídesh / Devlétü izmét da právish / Maskófu karshí da sedísh / Sas yóchi Stamból da glôdash / Faf rókï sultán da darzhîsh / Sas nógï talím da právish...” (... But you will go to the army / To do your service to the state / To stand against the Russians / With your eyes to look at Istanbul / In your hands to hold the Sultan / With your feet to do marching…). Versions from Gorna Drenka and Davidkovo (Ardino region) see in Ν.Κaufman & T.Todorov (1970:386-7).
62. D.Emmanouilides (2005) Η μουσική ταυτότητα των Πομάκων του Ν.Ξάνθης.(The music identity of the Pomaks of the prefecture of Xanthi) Μ.A.thesis. Komotini:Democritus University of Thrace, School of Physical Education and Sports, 114-5.
63. E.Emmanouilides (2005) op.cit. 115.
64. The first cassettes with Pomak songs in Greece were: Pomátski Pésne (1996), Iótfare Kiúrse Pénjuret (1997), Bugûsni Pésne (2000). There followed two cds of Moustafa Ahmetsik from Smínthi (2002) and two cds of Ali Rongo from Gláfki (2002). In 2003 V.Doropoulos produced one more cd entitled Pomátski Pésne with the participation of four musicians.
65. There have been two concerts of Pomak singers at the Old Town festival in Xanthi (7-9-2001, September 2003), a performance of Pomak students from the Technical School of Gláfki (10-4-2003), a joint concert with musicians from the Greek and the Bulgarian part of Rhodope (10-10-2004), a presentation of five Pomak musicians in Xanthi (5-2-2005) and various other individual performances in Thessaloniki, Xanthi, Komotini, Alexandroupolis and Athens.
66. See a Gorgóna (Bratánkova) version in Theoharides (1995:394), a Gláfki version in Rongo (2002:163). cf. the songs from Zabardo (Asenovgrad region) and Paspal (Ardino region) in N.Kaufman & T.Todorov (1970: 761-2).
67. See the Smínthi version in Kokkas (2004a:B108-9). Also see Theoharides (1995:402). Cf. the song from Ardino in Ν.Κaufman &T.Todorov (1970:82-83).
68. See Rongo (2003:203, 232); Theoharides, (1995: 385, 402). cf the songs from Oriahovets and Levotsevo in Ν.Κaufman & T.Todorov (1970: 249, 708-10).
69. See Rongo (2002:149). Cf. the songs from Yela (Devin area) and Pavelsko (Asenovgrad area) in Ν.Κaufman & T.Todorov (1970:839, 855).
70. See the Áskira version in M.G.Varvounis (1996:65). Cf. the song from Mostovo (Asenovgrad area) in Ν.Κaufman & T.Todorov (1970:174).
71. See the versions from Míki (Mustáfchova) and Sátres (Siníkova) in P.Theoharides (1995:379-380). Also see Α. Rongo, (2002:197). A version from Áskira (Han Mahalé) see in M.G.Varvounis (1996: 59-60). A version from Smínthi is in N.Kokkas (2004a:B100). Three Pomak versions are analysed in K.Mitsakis,1979:466-471. cf. Ν.Κaufman &T.Todorov (1970:16-17).
72. In the Bulgarian version from Petkovo the girl’s name is Nedka (Ν.Κaufman &T.Todorov (1970:16-17). In a version from Zlatograd the girl’s name is Struna (S.Kafetziev, Avtentitsni Pesni ot Zlatogradskia Krai. p. 11) A similarity of the Pomak versions with a Serbian one is stressed by K.Romaios (1952) «Δημοτικά τραγούδια Σέρβων και Βουλγάρων δανεισμένα από Ελληνικά πρότυπα»(Folk songs of Serbs and Bulgarians borrowed from Greek models), Αρχείον Θρακικού Λαογραφικού και Γλωσσικού Θησαυρού 17:307-365